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A  U  T  H  O  R  • 


TITLE: 


LETTER  TO  THE  LORD 
JOHN  RUSSELL... 


PLA  CE : 


LONDON 


DA  TE : 


1820 


«        ' 


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'M4 

24 


Letter  to  Lord  John  Russell  on  French  affairs. 
London  1820.      0.   54p* 


looir.i) 


No.  10  of  a  vol.   of  pamphlets 


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LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL, 


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JOHN  MURRAY,  ALBEMARLE  STREET. 


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LONDON : 

JMntod  Dy  W.  Clow  t»,  Northambertind-CQiut. 


IN  the  Letter  your  Lordship  published  last  spring, 
you  truly  stated,  ''  That  after  having  been,  for 
twenty-five  years,  occupied  with  foreign  politics,  we 
have  entirely  lost  sight  of  the  subject.  The  extra- 
ordinary situation  in  which  the  government  of  France 
is  placed,  and  the  violence  of  the  conflicting  parties, 
have  at  length  aroused  the  most  apathetic,  and  the 
people  of  this  country  begin  to  be  aware  that  the 
repose  and  security  of  Europe  depend  in  no  small 
degree  on  the  issue  of  the  present  contest.  Much 
credit  is  due  to  you  for  having  turned  the  public 
attention  to  the  subject,  and  it  is  because  our  eyes  ar^ 
at  length  opening,  that  I  take  the  liberty  of  address- 
ing you  this  letter.  I  am  also  anxious  to  make 
some  observations  upon  your  own  pamphlet,  as  your 
opinion,  always  respectable  from  your  rank,  charac- 


'■ ' '  1 


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'1^1 


ter,  and  talents,  derives  in  this  instance  additional 
weight,  from  being  (as  it  is  believed),  those  of  that 
party  to  which,  without  a  compliment,  your  Lord- 
ship has  added  so  much  lustre. 

Although  much  difference  of  opinion  exists  as  to 
the  cause,  none  remains  in  the  mind  of  any  one,  of 
the  extremely  critical  situation  in  which  the  Bour- 
bons are  placed.     In  acknowledging  last  year,  that 
"  there  was  no  aristocracy  in  France,  or  means  of 
forming  one ;"  in  stating  that  "   the  love  of  equality 
was  the  distinguishing  political  passion  of  a  French- 
man;"   "  that  title  and  birth  were  actually  nothiiig 
in  the  eyes  of  the  people  ;"  you  seemed  not  to  be 
wholly   blind  to  those  dangers  which  have  increased 
with  fearful  rapidity ;  for  it  would  ill  become  me  to 
imagine  that  one  of  the  House  of  Russell  could  con- 
sider these  points  as  favourable  *'  to  the  progress  of 
liberty."     Still  it  was  impossible  to  believe,  that  you 
really  felt  much  apprehension  when  you  risked  the 

following  prophecy. 

"  In  the  mean  time  it  is  very  gratifying  to  observe 

**  the  progress  which  the   cause  of    real   liberty  is 

**  making   in    that    kingdom.      Under   the   present 

"  ministry  we  may  expect  that  the  laws  still  wanting 

*    "  to  form  a  free  constitution  will  be  passed.     That 


3 

'*  some  metliod  will  be  found  of  preventing  the  inde- 
"  finite  and  vexatious  imprisonment  which  now  takes 
**  place  before  a  prisoner  is  brought  to  trial.  That  a 
''  man  falsely  imprisoned  will  be  allowed  an  easy 
"  way  of  obtaining  redress.  That  persons  in  autho- 
"  rity  may  be  henceforward  accused,  without  the 
"  permission  of  the  council  of  state.  That  the 
"  freedom  of  the  press  will  be  granted  to  the  daily 
"  papers,  and  trial  by  jury  allowed  in  cases  of  libel. 
"  That  juries  themselves  will  be  no  longer  chosen  by 
"  the  prefects. 

These  and  other  regulations  are  required  to 
**  complete  a  system  of  personal  and  political  liberty. 
**  But  there  is  no  reason  to  fear  that  they  will  be  long 
"  delayed." 

It  is  curious  that  the  minister  of  which  this  was 
foretold,  should  have  left,  as  the  last  record  of  his 
administration,  the  proposal  of  an  establishment  of 
a  censorship  for  five  years,  and  what  is  equivalent 
to  the  suspension  of  our  Habeas  Corpus  act.  I  do 
not  deny  these  measures  may  be  necessary ;  I  only 
remark  the  circumstance,  as  a  proof  that  the  habit 
acquired  by  your  party  of  false  prophecy  has  not  been 
confined  to  this  country  alone. 

The  career  of  that   minister  has  been  a  singular 

A  2 


"    If! 


I 


1 


$ 


I  ''   ' 

i 


one.     He  came  into  power  by  being  the  avowed  sup- 
porter  of  the  law  of  elections,  which  his  last  act  was 
an  attempt  to  change;  his  first  charge  against  the 
royalist  government  was  that  they  had  increased  the 
number  of  the  deputies  of  that  chamber,  which  his 
last  act  was  an  attempt  also  to  increase.     He  was 
the  child  and   the  champion   of  that  law  which,  to 
use  your   Lordship's   expression,    "  seemed  framed 
**  expressly  to  put  power  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
'*  took   part    in   the  Revolution."      His  subsequent 
actions  were  in   unison;    for,    with  equal  zeal    and 
activity,  he  persevered  in  effecting,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
nearly  a  total  change  in  all  civil  and  military  offices  ; 
in  replacing  those  who  were  least  favourable  to  the 
Bourbons ;  and  in  recalling,   if  not  restoring  to  rank 
and  honours,  all  their  most  tried  and  inveterate  ene- 
mies*. 


,1' 


♦  If  the  late  minister  had  wished  that  the  just  punishment  of 
Ney's  treachery  should  deserve  the  name  of  judicial  murder, 
which  the  jacobinb  all  over  Europe  have  chosen  to  atlix  to  it, 
he  could  not  have  taken  a  belter  mode  than  by  advising  his  mis- 
guided sovereign  to  recall  and  restore  to  favour  those  men  who 
had,  in  proportion  to  their  means,  shewed  the  same  hostility  to 
him,  and  who  emulated,  if  they  could  not  rival,  that  illustrious 
victim.  Will  any  one  be  bold  enough  to  assert  that  the  Prince  of 
Moscow  a,  if  alive,  would  not  now  be  standing  as  a  marshal  ot 
France  in  the  presence  of  his  sovereign  ? 


Alarmed  at  length  at  the  formidable  power  and 
menacing  appearance  of  the  machine  he  had  put  in 
motion,  and  at  the  gigantic  strides  with  which  the 
revolutionary  spirit  was  spreading  over  France  ;  aware, 
but  too  late,  that  the  maintenance  of  that  law  of 
elections,  to  which  he  owed  his  power,  was  wholly 
incompatible  with  the  existence  of  that  monarchy, 
of  which,  by  his  office,  he  was  the  supporter,  and 
that  they  were  just  verging  to  an  uncontrolled  de- 
mocracy, he  determined  on  making  an  effort  to 
remedy  the  evil  of  which  he  had  been  the  artificer. 
As  his  law  was  not  carried  into  execution,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  enter  into  the  details  of  his  project,  but 
the  most  important  part  was,  the  preservation  of 
the  chamber,  without  any  partial  dissolution,  for  five 
years ;  an  increase  of  the  number  of  deputies,  and 
some  salutary  alterations  as  to  the  patentes^ 

It  would  be  now  equally  superfluous  to  examine 
whether  the  royalists  *  have  acted  wisely  at  such  a  cri- 
tical momentji  n  refusing  to  support  measures  because 
they  could  not  place  confidence  in  the  man — but  it  may 


*  The  more  moderate  royalists,  under  Villcte  and  Laine, 
seemed  willing  to  support  him;  but  the  violent  ultras  seemed  to 
forget  their  country  in  their  hatred  of  the  minister. 


m:} 


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0 

be  feared  that  the  fury  of  parly  hatred  which  now 
guides  the  poUtics  of  France,  will  more  than  any 
thing  conduce  to  the  overthrow  of  that  government. 
The   minister   felt   that    the   fate    was   approaching 
him,  ofall  those  who,  vacillating  between  conflicting 
parties,  partake  of  the  violence  and  incur  the  hatred 
of  both,  without  gaining  the  confidence  of  either ;  and 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  nearly  two  months 
ago  he  guarded  against  the  disgrace  attending  the  fall 
of  a  favourite,  by  being  privately  made  a  duke,  and  by 
being  proposed  as  embassador  to  this  country.     He, 
however,    appears  to  have  determined   on    bringing 
forward  the  alteration  of  the  law  of  election,  which  he 
had  at  length  discovered  to  be  indispensable.     In  this 
interval  an  atrocious  murder  is  committed  on  the  per- 
son of  that  prince,  whom  (exclusive  of  some  personal 
failings)  he  and  his  party  had  contributed  to  render  as 
unpopular,  as  he  had  unfortunatly  become.     A  public 
and  formal  accusation  of  the  most  extraordinary  nature 
is  brought  forward  against  him.     What  is  the  con- 
duct of  this  '*  liberal"  minister  your  Lordship  eulogizes? 
Did  he  adopt  the  measure  which  the  **  anti-liberal" 
government  of  this  country  has  recourse  to,  of  ex- 
amining into  the  causes  of  that  foul  crime  which  had 
plunged  the  Royal  Family  in  mourning,  and  its  friends 


in  consternation  and  in  grief?  Did  he  wait  till  he 
could  deliberately  trace  the  extent  of  its  connexion 
with  the  revolutionary  spirit,  which  he  found  at  length 
used  daggers  as  well  as  spoke  them  ?  Did  he  remain 
even  long  enough  to  vindicate  himself  from  public  ac- 
cusation, and  to  fall  at  least  with  dignity  and  honour? 
convinced  as  he  had  become  of  the  necessity  of  altering 
the  election  law,  did  he  seek  out  any  conciliating 
means  to  render  it  more  palatable  ?  None  of  all 
this  ;  pour  dorer  la  inlule,  he  brought  forward  with 
all  the  rash  precipitation  of  fear,  two  measures,  which 
however  necessary  they  may  be,  should  never  have 
been  proposed  in  such  a  hasty,  imprudent,  and  un- 
statesmanlike  manner ;  and  then,  leaving  his  sovereign 
in  a  situation  not  to  be  viewed  without  equal  pity  and 
alarm,  he  resigned  the  situation  of  a  minister;  but 
not  the  power  with  which  he  had  received  it,  for,  by 
the  effect  of  his  own  acts  it  had  passed  away. 

Happy  would  it  be  for  Europe,  if  he  could  have  re- 
stored it  with  the  civil  and  military  organization  in  the 
same  state  in  which  he  had  found  it.  It  is  difficult 
to  speculate  on  the  future,  or  to  say  how  far  the  Due 
de  Richelfeu  possesses  the  nerve  and  decision  neces- 
sary to  meet  so  critical  a  position  of  affairs,  entangled 
as  he  is  by  the  toils  which  two  years  of  unremitting 


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MtfMtoliHH 


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activity  has  spread  over  every  department ;  vvitli  those 
whom  he  had  banished  standing,  beside  him  in  the 
council-chamber  of  his  sovereign ;  *  with  an  army  and  a 
civil  administration  re- organized,  and  filled  not  with  his 
friends  or  the  real  supporters  of  the  monarchy ;  with  a 
chamber  of  peers  the  source  of  which  has  been  polluted, 
the  power  of  which  has  been  annihilated  ;  and  with  a  le- 
gislative body  which  by  the  influence  of  his  predecessor 
at  first,  and  by  the  spirit  of  the  times  at  last,  is  fast 
approaching  to  a  state  which,  to  use  the  mildest  com- 
parison, would  be  more  suited  to  thirty  years  ago,  than 
to  be  wished  for  at  the  present  moment. 

With  respect  to  the  death  of  that  Prince  which 
has  spread  consternation  through  every  loyal  part  of 
France,  it  may,  in  one  point  of  view,  strengthen  the 
Bourbon  cause,  if  it  should  serve  to  unite,  which 
earnestly  is  to  be  hoped,  its  different  branches  into 
an  active  and  cordial  co-operation,  for  the  support  of 
that  ancient  and  illustrious  throne,  of  which  one  is 
the  possessor  and  to  which  the  other  is  the  heir.  I 
wish  to  look  a  little  more  in  detail  into  the  internal 
policy  of  the  late  government. 


*  Much  may,  however,  be  hoped  from  ihe  character  and 
exertions  of  the  present  minister  at  war,  the  late  ambassador  here  ; 
but  it  is  an  Augean  stable — wc  heartily  wish  him  success. 


9 

I  am  aware  that  this  subject  is  equally  difficult  and 
delicate,  and  I  should  not  have  ventured  to  submit 
these  hasty  observations  to  the  public,  if  I  did  not 
feel  it  to  be  the  imperative  duty  of  every  one,  how- 
ever humble  his  abilil:ies,  to  assist  in  the  diffusion  of 
truth,  on  a  subject  which,  from  the  undue  influence 
excited  by  the  late  French  minister  over  the  daily 
press,  has  been  so  much  misrepresented, — and  in 
which  Europe,  as  well  as  this  country,  is  vitally  con- 
cerned. 

Let  us  then  examine  shortly  what  has  been  the 
conduct  of  her  Government,  and  let  us  see,  whether  the* 
system  pursued  for  two  years,  has  been  such  as  to  justify 
the  encomiums  which  are  lavished  on  it  by  your  Lord- 
ship,— and  under  which  party  the  rational  liberty  of 
France,  and  the  repose  of  Europe  are  most  likely  to  be 
preserved. 

There  may  exist  a  difference  of  opinion,  whether  the 
French  people  are  at  this  moment  qualified  to  possess 
a  representative  government;  whether  there  exists 
among  them  that  knowledge  of  the  principles  on 
which  real  liberty  is  founded,  or  that  character  of 
moderation;  judgment,  and  steady  perseverance 
which  are  necessary  to  the  attainment  of  that  great 
work,  a  finished  constitution.     There  are  many  who 


Mi 


.  'I 


I 


10 

know  that  couhtry  well  who  are  disposed   to  doubt  it ; 
and  from  the  political  character  which  is  given  them 
by   Madame  de   Stael,  none  more  than   that   cele- 
brated writer;     There  are  many  who  have  remarked, 
in  the  whole  course  of  their  judicial  proceedings,  in 
their  debates,  and  their  political  writings, — the  most 
extraordinary  ignorance  of  the  most  simple  principles 
of  justice,  of  the  most  common  rules  of  evidence,  of 
the  most  ordinary  and  acknowledged  maxims  of  law  : 
w^ho  have  observed  that  the  party  in  power  only  views 
the  representative  system  as  the  temporary  means  of 
carrying  through  their  own  objects,  and  as  the  con- 
venient instrument  of  their  own  power,  instead  of  a 
check  upon  the  executive  authority,  or  as  a  tribunal 
to  which  they  were  responsible ;  they  have  seen,  in 
numerous  cases,  whenever  a  point  is  to  be  carried, 
the  ministry  never  stop  to  inquire  whether  it  may  not 
be  in  violation  of  their  charter  ;  and  the  opposition 
content  themselves  with  complaining  of  the  measure 
as  a  grievance  which  affects  themselves,  but  never  op- 
pose it  on  constitutional  grounds  or  as  an  infraction  of 
great  fundamental  principles.     Your  Lordship,  how- 
ever, considers  tliem  in  a  more  favourable  point  of 
view.  You  represent  them  to  be  as  '^  eager  to  possess  a 
free  constitution  as  they  were  lately  enthusiastic   for 


11 

military  glory  and  foreign  dominion."  You  express 
your  gratification  at  the  "  progress  that  the  cause  of 
real  liberty  is  making  through  the  kingdom  ;  and 
confidently  expect  that,  under  the  present  ministers, 
the  laws  still  wanting  to  form  a  free  constitution  will 
not  long  be  delayed."  You  do  not  leave  us  in  doubt 
as  to  what  sort  of  government  you  conceive  is  best 
suited  to  France,  and  to  which  they  are  now  ap- 
proaching, for  the  amendments  you  anticipate  are 
among  the  most  important  safeguards  of  our  own 
liberties.  As  your  views  then  for  the  future  are  for 
a  still  nearer  approximation  to  the  English  constitu- 
tion, it  is  but  fair  to  infer  that  ''  the  progress  of  real 
liberty,'^  which  you  describe,  has  been  founded  on  the 
sound  principles  which  guided  the  illustrious  band  of 
old  Whigs,  and  which,  as  it  is  asserted  by  them,  con- 
stitute the  creed  of  the  modern  ones. 

Your  Lordship  has  divided  France  into  two 
parties,  "  those  who  love  the  Revolution,  and  those 
"  who  hate  it ;  those  who  wish  to  improve  the 
"  charter^  and  those  who  wish  it  never  had  been 
"  granted."  I  am  willing  to  adopt  the  first  part  of 
this  classification,  and  I  wish  to  examine  how  far  the 
latter  is  confirmed  by  facts ;  which  of  these  two  parties 


?     51  I 


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12 

have  pursued  the  most  constitutional  objects  ;  and 
whether  the  alterations  and  improvements  which  tlie 
late  ministry  (those  who  love  the  Revolution)  have 
made  in  their  charter  are  precisely  of  that  nature  as 
to  entitle  them  to  the  approbation  of  the  Whigs 
of  this,  or  the  friends  of  rational  liberty,  of  social 
order,  or  of  peace  in  any  other  country. 

Among  the  principles  which  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  our  liberties  are — 

That  the  king  has  no  dispensing  power. 

That  no  act  of  any  one  branch  of  the  legislature  can 
have  the  force  of  law;  and  that  if  any  act  was 
passed,  contrary  to  the  most  express  stipulation  of  an 
original  charter,  and  destructive  of  all  security  of  per- 
and  property,  that  the  ministry  who  carried  it  through, 
should  be  impeached. 

What  have  ever  been  the  objects  of  the  Whigs  ?  A 
diminution  of  the  influence  of  the  crown  in  elections, 
and  a  fair  representation  of  the  people.  These  are 
not  principles  adapted  only  to  our  own  country,  or 
which  can  flourish  only  in  our  favoured  clime,  but 
they  constitute  the  very  essence  of  a  representative 
government.  The  fitness  of  the  French  nation  at  tliis 
moment  to  enjoy  a  free  constitution  may.  I  repeat. 


13 

be  doubted;  but  if  your  Lordship  is  right,  they  must 
be  guided  by  these  principles  and  no  others. 
Let  us  see  what  have  been  their  acts — 

1.  A  constant  exercise  of  the  dispensing  power, 
the  annihilation  of  the  constitutional  power  of  one 
branch  of  the  legislature. 

2.  The  creation  of  the  means  of  influencing  the  re 
presentation  of  the  people. 

3.  The  recall  of  the  regicides,  contrary  to  the  ex- 
press and  repeated  resolutions  of  the  whole  legislature. 

4.  The  re\^al  of  the  law  of  conscription,  contrary 
to  the  charter  and  the  solemn  promise  of  the  King. 

If  we  examine  these  aets  in  detail,  we  shall  find 
the  violation  of  every  principle  on  which  liberty  can 
be  founded,  or  the  balance  of  a  constitutional  govern- 
ment maintained- 

The  first  was  proved  by  the  creation  of  the  sixty 
new  peers. 

By  the  original  charter  of  1814,  the  king  was  em- 
powered to  make  peers  for  life.  By  an  ordonnance  of 
the  19th  of  August,  1815,  this  was  revoked,  and  the 
peerage  was  made  hereditary.  By  an  ordonnance  of 
the  25th  of  August,  1817,  this  was  confirmed,  and 
the  formation  of  a  majorat  was  directed  to  be  esta- 
blished.     After  the  preamble  has  stated  the  import- 


m 


I 


J 


i 


111; 


i^ 


14 

ance  of  keeping  up  the  dignity  of  the  members  of  the 
first  body  in  the  state,  the  ordonnance  states  that  no 
one  hereafter  can  be  called  to  the  peerage  who  has 
not,  previous  to  his  nomination,  obtained  the  royal 
permission  to  establish  their  majorat,  and  if  he  is  not 
in  possession  of  the  same. 

This  ordonnance  passed  through  the  chamber  of 
deputies  by  a  majority  of  119  to  85,  and  the  peers ; 
and  became  a  law  as  binding  as  the  charter  itself  until 
constitutionally  repealed.  Afterwards  an  ordonnance 
was  issued,  unsanctioned  by  either  hon$e,  dispensing 
with  this  law,  and  creating  sixty  new  peers,  of  whom 
none  had  established  the  required  majorat,  and  few 
of  whom  have  the  means  of  ever  possessing  it.  This 
act  was  unconstitutional  and  illegal  in  every  way. 
Several  of  these  had  forfeited  their  rank  from  their 
conduct  during  the  Cent  jours,  and  the  ordonnance 
which  dismissed  them  in  July,  1815,  was  received 
with  the  acclamations  of  both  houses.  I  will  not 
enter  into  the  past  life,  the  private  history,  or  the 
characters  of  the  individuals  thus  created,  although, 
if  the  opinion  of  Madame  deStael  is  as  true  as  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be,  "  that  none  of  those  who  participated 
in  the  crimes  of  tlie  Revolution  can  be  useful  to 
France,"  I  should  have  reason  to  doubt  the  degree  of 


15 

benefit  that  she  will  derive  from  this  addition  to  her 
peerage.  The  point  I  rest  on  is  this,  that  the  king 
could  not  by  a  simple  ordonnance  repeal  a  law  of  the 
whole  legislature  ;  that  in  making  peers  who  had  no 
majorats  nor  means  of  forming  them,  without  which 
they  could  not  be  made  hereditary,  he  was,  in  fact, 
making  peers  for  life,  from  which  by  law  he  was  pre- 
cluded. 

2.  The  law  of  elections.  By  the  original  charter 
the  number  of  deputies  was  fixed  at  262.  On  the 
king's  return  in  1815,  an  ordonnance  was  issued  on 
the  13th  of  July,  in  which,  after  recapitulating  the 
evils  which  had  arisen  from  the  imperfect  representa- 
tion, and  the  advantages  which  would  result  from  one 
"  more  numerous  and  less  restrained  in  the  conditions 
of  eligibility,*'  the  number  was  increased  to  S95,  It 
is  clear  that  the  very  essence  of  a  representative 
government  is,  that  neither  the  sovereign  nor  any  one 
branch  can  have  the  power  of  increasing  or  diminish- 
ing the  representation  at  pleasure  :  we  see  indeed  these 
principles  recognised  by  the  ordonnance  itself*;  and 


*  The  words  of  the  ordonnance  that  follow  are  these : — Mais 
voulant  cependant  que  dans  aucun  cas  aucune  modification  de  la 
Charte  ne  puisse  devinir  definitive  que  d'apr^s  les  formes  constitu- 


s 


\rm 


f\  •• 


IG 

this  act  of  the  king  can  only  be  excused  by  the  critical 
situation  in  which  he  was  placed  at  the  tenninatiou  ot 
a  second  revolution.  This  measure  which,  like  the 
assemblincr  of  our  convention  in  1688,  has  necessity 
for  its  excuse,  should  have  received,  as  in  our  case, 
the  sanction  of  law  by  an  act  of  the  whole  parlia- 
ment. The  supporters  of  this  measure  argued,  that 
sufficient  power  is  vested  in  the  king  by  the  14th  arti- 
cle of  the  charter  to  sanction  it.  Without  enterins 
into  this  question,  it  is  clear  that  if  it  was  illegal,  the 
acts  of  that  chamber  were  illegal  likewise.  On  the 
5th  of  September  that   chamber  was  dissolved,  the 

* 

ministry  was  changed,  and  the  late  government 
came  into  power,  for  the  favorite  was  the  real  mi- 
nister. Were  the  acts  of  the  former  chamber 
declared  illegal?  was  the  constitutional  principle  re- 
cognised by  the  former  ordonnance,  acted  upon  by 
these  more  enlightened  legislators  ?    On  the  contrary  ! 


tionnellcs,  les  dispositions  de  la  presente  ordonnance  seront  Ic  pre- 
mier objet  des  deliberations  des  Cbambres.  Le  pouvoir  Icgislatif 
dans  son  ensemble  statuera  siulaloi  des  Elections,  sur  les  changc- 
mens  a  faire  h.  la  Chaite,  changemens  dont  nous  ne  prenons  ici 
j'iniliative  que  dans  les  points  les  plus  indispensables  et  les  plus  ur- 
gens,  en  mm  imposant  meme  I'obHgation  de  nous  rapprocher  au- 
ant  que  possible  de  la  Charte,  et  des  formes  pr^cedemment  e« 


17 

they  immediately  practised  what  they  had  blamed  in 
their  predecessors,  by  altering  the  law  of  elections  by 
an  ordonnance  also.    Your  Lordship  states,  that  those 
who  love  the  revolution  (always  meaning  the  late  mi- 
nistry) wish  to  improve  the  charter.     Let  us  look  at 
the  preamble  of  the  first  act  of  this  reforming  admi- 
nistration ;  of  this  act  which,  you  say,  saved  France 
from  a  civil  war  * :—'  Depuis  notre  retour  dans  nos 
^tats  chaque  jour  nous  a  d^monti*^  cette  v^rite  pro 
clamee  par  nous  dans  nne  occasion  solemnelle,  qu"^ 
c6t6  de  ravantage  damtliorer  est  le  danger  d'innover, 
et  nous   avons  en   cons(^quence  juge  necessaire    de 


usase. 


*  I  must  ask  the  noble  lord,  what  appearance  of  civil  war  there 
was  at    that   moment,    and    whether  the  presence  of    150,000 
foreigners,  who  were  supposed  by  their   enemies   to  be    waiting 
anxiously  for  a  pretext  to  interfere,  was  a  propitious  circumstance. 
Under  what  grievance  did  one  party  labour,  and  what  oppression 
<lid  the  other  exercise,  which  were  removed   or  mitigated  by  that 
order  ?  It  declared  that  some  articles  of  the  charter  should  be  revised 
which,  in  the  preceding  year,  their  predecessors  had  submitted  for 
revision.  The  increase  of  the  representation  could  hardly  have  been 
a  valid  reason  for   a  civil  war,  nor  could  the  substitution  of  the 
gravity  of  forty  for  the  inexperience  of  twenty-five  have  conferred 
such  a  blessing  on  the  rising  generation  as  to  make  them  sheath  their 
half-drawn  weapons.  It  is  rather  singular,  however,  that  those  who 
love  the  revolution  should  have  judged  it  expedient  to  select  those 
who  had  been  born  before  that  glorious  aera  as  their  legislators. 


'\ 


/I; 


I  4  r 


I 


B 


IS 

i^duire  la  chambre  des  deputes  au  nonibre  determine 
par  la  Charte  et  de  ny  appeler  que  les  hommes  de  40 
ans." 

But  Monsieur  de  Caze  has  argued  that  an  ordon- 
nance  of  the  king  is  legal  in  reverting  to  the  original 
charter,  though  not  in  departing  from  it.  It  may 
certainly  be  wise  to  revert  to  old  institutions,  when, 
under  their  influence,  social  order,  virtue,  religion, 
and  tranquillity,  have  been  maintained,  but  it  is  surely 
a  singular  class  of  reform,  and  a  strange  act  of  policy, 
to  rebuild  on  the  same  plan  and  subject  to  the  same 
accidents,  the  mine  which  had  just  exploded. 

But  it  was  not  long  before  the  new  government  did 
innovate  by  the  law  of  elections  of  the  5th  of  Fe- 
bruary, 1819  ;  and  we  wish  to  examine  whether  this 
is  precisely  such  an  improvement  as  deserves  the  ap- 
probation of  such  an  understanding  and  such  princi- 
ples as  your  Lordship  possesses. 

It  is  perhaps  impossible  to  define  which  maybe  the 
system  best  qualified  to  ensure  a  fair  representation 
of  national  opinion,  but  an  exclusive  one  must  be  the 
most  unjust  and  the  most  mischievous  of  all.  You 
admit  that  this  law  seems  to  ''  have  been  framed  for 
the  express  purpose  of  putting  power  into  the  hands 
of  those  who  took  part  in  the  revolution/'  or  you  might 


19 

have  said,  ''  those  who  shared  in  its  plunder."     It  is 
difficult,  without  more  information  than  I  possess,  to 
class  accurately  the  difi'erent  parties  *  in  France ;  but  I 
should  say  that  the  royalists,  (we  include  in  this  term 
not  only  those   who  are  attached    to  the  Bourbon 
cause,  but  those  who  wish  well  to  the  monarchy  as 
fikely  to  afford  them  greater  tranquillity,)  constitute 
the  majority  of  the  French  people,  but  they  are  prin- 
cipally agriculturists,  dispersed  over  a  vast  extent  of 
country,  and  possessing  neither  the  active  talents,  the 
union,  nor  the  turbulent  qualities  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  towns.     Although  you  may  not  believe  to  the 
extent  I  do,  the  number  of  the  royalists  in  France, 
you   will  not  deny  that  in  many  departments  there 
exists  no  other  feeling  but  the  most  devoted  attach- 
ment to  the  Bourbons,  and  there  cannot  be  brought 
a  stronger  proof  of  the  little  sympathy  that  now  ex- 
ists between  the  constituent  and  representative  bodies. 


*  The  present  chamber  is  nearly  composed  thus  :— About 
50  old  droite  decided  royalists,  with  Villelle  at  their  head  ;  about 
50oftheministerials,  who  shrink  from  the  late  minister's  measures, 
and  might  vote  with  the  latter,  headed  by  Lain6 ;  about  70  of  the 
gauche,  with  democratic  feelings  ;  about  40  called  petite  gauche, 
with  a  tendency  to  the  latter,  and  about  40  of  the  centre,  which 
may  vote  either  way. 


11 


!! 


B  2 


it 

I 


•20 

than  in  citing  the  organs  of  the  political  opinions  of 
the  loyal  La  Vendee.  Not  only,  liowever,  does  the 
French  law  of  elections  professedly  exclude  a  large 
part  of  the  community  from  any  participation  in  its 
privileges,  but  it  is  framed  so  as  to  a  place  a  vast 
and  uncontrolled  power  in  the  hands  of  the  govern- 
ment, by  the  right  of  voting  being  extended  to  the 
patentcs. 

The  right  of  voting  in  France,  is  confined  to  those 
who  pay  300  francs  a-year  in  direct  taxes.  The 
contribution-fonciere  *,  on  which  it  is  raised,  is  about 
one-seventh  of  the  income,  you  put  it  at  one-fifth. 
Now  this  measure  of  the  people's  ability  to  elect 
cannot  be  founded  on  the  sum  which  the  government 
receives,  but  upon  the  property  on  which  it  is  the 
tax  and  of  which  it  is  the  index  ;  but  it  has  been  in- 

*  One  of  the  best-informed  Frenchmen  in  the  state  of  his 
own  country  and  an  ultra-liberal,  Le  Comte  Lanjuinais,  in  his 
book  on  the  French  Constitution,  states,  vol.  i.  p.  '225. 

"  II  y  a  des  departemens  oil  il  ne  se  trouve  pas  cent  cinquante- 
ni  cent,  ni  mime  dix  eitoyens^  payant  300  francs  de  contributions 
directes,  et  pas  un  seul,  ou  k  peine  un  oudcux,  qui  paient  1,000 
francs."  When  we  consider  that  these  few  electors  are  princi- 
pally acquereurs  des  biens  nationaux,  that  this  law  excludes  all 
influence  of  property,  and  all  the  right  of  the  small  farmers  arid 
agricultural  population,  we  shall  be  enabled  to  form  a  tolerably 
correct  opinion  of  the  fairness  of  the  present  election  laws. 


21 

terpreted  to  mean,  by  the  supporters  of  the  present 
sj^stem,  that  any  person  who  pays  the  300  francs  in 
contributions  directes,  shall  Be  entitled  to  vote,  whether 
it  is  a  tax  on  property  or  not.     I  really  do  not  see, 
by  a  parity  of  reasoning,  why  any  person  who  paid 
300  francs  into  the  treasury,  should  not  have  a  vote, 
for  it  would  be  equally  a  contribution.     By  this  in- 
terpretation les  patentes  are  included,  and  as  this  sub- 
ject may  not  be  generally  understood  in  this  country, 
I  must  enter  into  a  short  explanation  of  it.      One  of 
the  most  oppressive  taxes  in  France  is  one  imposed 
by  Buonaparte  on  trade  and  professions,  which  is 
realizing  in  finance  the  fable  of  the  goose  and  golden 
eggs,  in  exacting  a  share  of  the  profits  before  the 
means  are  granted  or  time  afl^brded,  by  which  alone 
they  can  be  acquired.    As  the  tax  on  patentes  is  300 
francs  a  year,  the  holders  of  them  are  entitled  to  vote, 
and  as  there  exists  no  obligation  to  follow  a  trade  any 
person  may  obtain  them  *      These  patentes  are  given 


*  This  was  denied  by  the  ministry  in  one  of  the  debates  of  last 
year,  when  it  was  strenuously  asserted  by  M.  de  Villelle.  A  M  de 
Guillelm  (we  believe  a  general)  supported  the  government,  but  iri 
his  speech  admitted  that,  not  having  a  sufficient  properly  to  vote 
he  had  purchased  a  patente  d^arpenteur,  in  right  of  which  he  actually 
had  voted  in  the  last  election.     In  the  projected  alterations  of  the 


*i» 


i' 


.'1 


at  the  will  of  the  government  and  tlieir  prefets,  who 
in  many  cases  have  been  held  responsible  for  the  re- 
turn of  particular  individuals.  In  all  cases  the  prefet 
decides  on  the  validity  of  votes,  and  I  could  cite 
instances  where,  in  departments  supposed  favourable, 
considerable  numbers  have  been  added,  and  many 
taken  away  from  others  where  the  royalist  feeling  was 
supposed  to  be  predominant.  The  rejected  votes  can 
only  establish  their  rights  by  an  appeal  to  the  Cours 
Royales  or  the  Conseil  d'Etat,  and  it  is  easy  to 
imagine  what  chance  of  redress  exists  when  their  op- 
ponents are  both  parties  and  judges.  The  royalists 
affirm,  and  I  believe  with  truth,  though  contradicted 
-by  the  ministry,  that  not  only  the  patentes  give  a 
vote,  but  that  a  monthly  instalment  of  twenty-five 
francs  has,  in  some  instances,  been  deemed  a  qualifi- 
cation. 

Such  however  is  the  law  of  elections,  and  such  are 
the  improvements  in  the  charter  of  French  liberty, 
which,  strange  to  say,  have  found  an  advocate  in 
one  of  the  ornaments  of  the  Whig  aristocracy  of  this 
country. 


election,  it  was  intended  to  confine  these  votes  to  those  who  had 
bond  fide  exercised  their  profession  or  trade  for  some  time. 


S.3 

3.  The  recall  of  the  Regicides. 

The  petitions  for  the  recall  of  the  ♦  Bannis  being 
numerous,  they  were  referred  to  a  committee  in  the 
Deputies,  and  a  report  was  ordered  to  be  made.   The 
committee  consisted  of  nine,  and  five  were  a^rainst 
their  return.     On  M.  Cotton,  the  reporter,  bringing 
the  report  into  the  house,  M.  Desserres,  garde  des 
sceaux,   made   his  celebrated   speech,    which   ended 
"  pour  les    Regicides  jamais."     The   question   w^as 
called  for,  and  their  exclusion  confirmed  again  by  an 
immense  majority.     It  is  not  necessary  to  enter  into 
the  intrigues  which  attended  this  event,  but  in  a  few 
days,  in  defiance  of  all  law,  four  of  the  regicides  and 
five  of  the  exiles  were  actually  recalled ;  and,  with 
difficulty,  France  was  spared  the  unutterable  shame 
of  seeing  one  of  the  former  (L'Abbe  Gregoire)  setting 
in  the  midst  of  her  representative  assembly. 

But  it  may  be  said,  that  these  remarks  only  apply 
to  the  character  of  the  French  government,  as  relating 
to  their  own  internal  situation,  and  are  matters, 
therefore,  more  of  curious  speculation  than  of  im- 


*  The  regicides  were  banished  by  a  law  of  the  King  and  the 
two  Chambers ;  the  exile,  by  an  ordonnance  alone.  The  King 
could  therefore  recall  the  latter,  but  not  the  former,  except  by  aii 
*ct  of  the  whole  legislature. 


i!' 


il* 


■I 


portatice  lo  us ;  but  we  must  now  examine  the  other 
acts  of  that  party,  not  as  citizens  of  the  world, 
but  as  Englishmen,  whose  interests  are  vitally  affected. 
There  can  be  but  one  opinion  that  peace  is  essentially 
necessary  to  the  welfare  of  this  country,  and  the  re- 
establishment  of  oip-  finances ;  and  we  must  therefore 
appreciate  the  conduct  of  other  governmejits  as  con- 
nected with  ourselves,  in  proportion  to  the  desire  they 
shew  by  their  acts,  as  well  as  their  language,  of  per- 
petuating and  securing  it.  Do  the  acts  of  the  late 
government,  besides  the  revival  of  the  conscription, 
to  whicli  I  shall  presently  advert,  wear  a  very  pacific 
aspect?  Dges  the  total  exclusion  of  the  Royalists 
from  every  office,  civil  as  well  as  military,  and  the 
removal  of  those  who  were  employed ;  tlie  appoint- 
ment of  the  most  zealous  partisans  of  the  system 
formed  by  Buonaparte,  to  the  commands  of  every 
important  fortress  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Pyrenees^ 
and  the  re-organization  of  the  army  by  the  removal  of 
aU  those  (to  use  the  words  of  your  Lordship)  "  who 

HAVE  BEEN  ALWAYS  STEADY  TO  HIM,  (the  King) 
AND  WHO  IN  VAIN  URGE  THAT  THEY  ARE  THE 
ONLY  MEN  WHO  HAVE  NOT  BETRAYED  THEIR  DUTY 
AND  VIOLATED  THEIR  OATHS  ;  AND  THAT,  WJHILB 
TH^IR  ADVERSARIES    ARE     LEA  DING  THEIR  KING 


25 

TO  HIS  RUIN,  THEY  ARE  THE  ANCIENT  FOLLOWERS 
OF  HIS  HOUSE,  AND  HAVE  LOST  THEIR  FORTUNES 
AND      SHED     THEIR     BLOOD     TO     MAINTAIN     HIS 

RIGHTS;"    and  now   find   those  services  registered 
as  records  against  them,  whilst  the  consummation  of 
treachery   and    rebellion,   exhibited   on    Mount   St 
Jean,  constitutes  the  surest  and  most  acknowledtred 
claim  to   promotion,  employment,  and  rewards.     I 
could  fill  a  folio  with  instances   of  this  feelin^:  a 
few  will  suffice.   The  facts  are  sufficiently  known  in 
France  without  exposing  the  names  of  the  individuals. 
A   sous-prefet  of  a  department  in  the  south  of 
France  was  last  year  removed,  and  he  came  to  Paris  to 
complain.    On  waiting  on  one  of  the  ministers,  he  was 
asked,  if  his  conscience  did  not  tell  him  the  cause. 
His  answer  was,  "  No,  that  he  had  always  done  his 
duty  with  loyalty,  firmness,  and  moderation  since  les 
cent  jours."— '*  But  in  les  cent  jours?''  said  the  mi- 
nister.— ^'  There  you  know  my  conduct  was  most 
marked.     It  was  I  who  cut  the  telegraphic  communi- 
cation from   Paris,  and  so  much   assisted  the   Due 
d'Angoul^me."      The    answer   was   nearly  in  these 
words — "  Mais  c'est  pr^cis^ment  pour   cela — vous 
^tes  la  cause  que  les  Franfi^ois  sWiuerent  contre  les 
Franfois." 


\ 


w 


i  I 


y 


26 

There  is  another  instance  of  a  colonel  who  com- 
manded a  regiment,  the  officers  of  which  held  such 
geditious  language,  that  he  was  obliged  to  inform 
them,  that  though  he  did  not  wish  to  interfere  with 
their  political  opinions,  he  should  be  obliged  to  put 
them  under  arrest,  if  they  permitted  themselves  such  an 
expression  of  them.  They  persisted,  and  he  kept  his 
word.  The  deserving  officer  received  a  letter  in  conse- 
quence from  the  minister  at  war,  saying,  that  his  severity 
had  produced  so  much  harm,  that  he  ought  to  have 
been  dismissed,  but  that,  from  the  extreme  indulgence 
of  the  king,  he  was  removed  to  another  regiment. 

What  has,  on  the  contrary,  been  the  conduct  of 
the  reprobated  royalists,  whose  influence  I  wish  to 
see  restored,  not  from  any  belief  that  they  would  in 
their  hearts  be  friendly  to  England,  or  that  they 
would  be  devoid  of  ambitious  intentions,  but  that  their 
own  interest  commands  them  at  present  to  main- 
tain peace,  whilst  the  security  of  the  others  is 
founded  on  the  employment  of  those  whom  I  must 
call  the  artificers  of  all  the  evils  which  have  deso- 
lated Europe?  The  Royalists  have  steadily  and 
vehemently  opposed  the  revival  of  the  conscription, 
yet  they  are  termed  sanguinary ;  they  have  opposed 
three  violent  infractions  of  the  charter,  the  prostitution 


27 

of  the  aristocracy,  the  exclusive  law  of  elections,  the. 
recall  of  the  regicides;     they  have    supported    the 
liberty  of  the  press,  they  have  attempted  to  diminish 
the  influence  of  the  police,   but  still  they  are  branded 
by  the  noble  Lord  as  possessing  a  general  abhorrence 
to  the  friends   of   liberty  all  over  the  world.      In 
saying  this  I  do  not  mean    to   deny,  that  some  of 
the  violent  members  of  that  party,  called  by  their 
enemies    les    Jacobins    blancs,    by    imprudent   lan- 
guage in   1815   gave  reason   for  France   to  suspect 
their  intentions  ;    but  we  must   not  form  our   opi- 
nions   by    the    language    of    some    salons    in    the 
Fauxbourg  St.  Germain,  where  there  may  exist  a  few 
courtiers,  who,  blindly  bigoted  to  their  ancient  insti-- 
tutions  would  remount  the  torrent  which  overwhelmed 
them,  but  on  the  public  acts  and  the  conduct  which 
I  have  described,    and   which   stands    recorded   in 
their  journals. 

Your  Lordship  compares  the  conduct  of  Louis 
XVIII.  with  that  of  Henry  IV.  I  cannot  find  in 
the  history  of  France  after  the  conversion,  (which, 
for  the  honour  of  that  great  sovereign  who  was 
"  Royalistc  par  cceur''  as  well  as  "  par  profession;^ 
I  believe  to  have  been  sincere,  and  although  producing 
great  political  advantages,  not  arising  from  political 


V 


Mi 


w 


28 

motives  or  worldly  interests  alone)  I  have  yet  to  find 
that  Henry  IV.,  at  once  discarded  Sully  from  his 
presence,  that  he  formed  his  council  from  the  Guises, 
that  he  gave  the  command  of  his  fortresses  to  the 
chiefs  of  the  League,  that  he  appointed  to  his 
army  in  preference  those  who  fought  against  him 
at  Ivry,  and  that  he  removed  his  old  and  faithful 
servants  from  every  office  and  every  command. 
Sully  says  on  .the  contrary,  *  that  his  object  Avas  to 
permit  no  faction  to  be  able  to  say  that  they  disposed 
of  his  power,  and  that  although  he  was  reconciled  with 
his  former  enemies,  he  nevt:r  diminished  his  aversion 
for  the  spirit  and  principles  which  guided  them.* — 
Admitting  that  the  present  sovereign  professes  all  the 
good  intentions  of  his  great  predecessor  and  the  same 
love  for  his  people,  I  fear  that  his  wishes  of  conci- 
liating all  parties  have  not  been  crowned  with  equal 
success.  Henry  was  surrounded  by  a  high-spirited, 
gallant,  generous,  and  powerful  nobility  :  the  present 
aristocracy  of  France  has  been  humbled  by  the  sove- 
reign, and  the  influence  of  property,  the  defensive 
principle  of  which,  as  Mr.  Burke  expresses  it,  be- 
comes weakened  by  diffusion,  has  been  annihilated  by 
laiv, — and  he  has  aHenated  from  liim  the  ancient  fol- 
lowers of  his  house.     It  may  be  feared  the  anny  will 


if 
-ii 


;'! 


t' 
* . 


29 

not  forgive  him  as  the  punisher  of  treason,  nor  the 
jacobins  forget  that  he  is  the  descendant  of  the  Capets. 
I  now  come  to  the  most  important  feature  of  the 
late  minister's  administration  ;    the  revival  of  the  law 
of  conscription,  a  law  as  incompatible  with  the  security 
of  Europe  as  it  is  destructive  of  every  principle  of 
personal  security,  without  which,  a  charter  is  waste- 
paper,  and  liberty  a  name.     This  however,  was  the 
work  of  that  minister  under  whose  government  your 
Lordship  says,  '  it  is  very  gratifying  to  observe  the 
progress  which  real  liberty  is  making  in  that  kingdom.' 
Here  I  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  my  astonishment 
at  the  calmness  with  which  those  important  changes 
in  France  have  been  viewed  by  all   parties  in   this 
country  ;  a  fact  which  I  attribute,  in  no  small  degree, 
to  the  influence  possessed  by  certain  of  the  French 
ministry  over  those  public  papers  which  principally 
direct  the  opinion  of  the  public.     The  allied  powers 
seem  to  have  been  equally  passive  ;  they  had  seen  the 
law  of  the  5th  of  September  in  direct  violation  of  the 
charter  ;  they  had  seen  the  partial  law  of  election,  the 
revival  and  the  enforcement  of  the  conscription ;  they 
must  have  known  of  the  increasing  feeling  of  disaffec- 
tion,   and  the  prevalence   of  republican  principles ; 
that  at  Lyons  twelve  communes  sounded  the  tocsin 


I'' 


.] 


I 


lp-,.,» 


i! 


!l 


30 

€ind  shouted  *  Vive  TEiiipereur  ;*  they  must  have  been 
aware  of  the  recall  of  the  exiles,  of  the  alterations  in 
the  guard,  of  the  care  taken  to  jacobinize  the  army, 
of  the  dismissal  of  Monsieur  from  the  command  of 
the  national  guard,  of  the  removal  of  every  royalist 
from  the  highest  prefect  to  the  lowest  clerk  in  office ; 
they  must  have  heard  of  the  persecution  of  the  royalists 
for  a  conspiracy,  confessed  afterwards  by  the  ministry 
themselves,  never  to  have  existed  :  but  in  spite  of  all 
these  momentous  warnings  they  affix  their  signatures  to 
a  declaration  that  the  tranquillity  of  France  is  secured  *. 


*  It  is  too  late  now  to  discuss  the  policy  of  that  important 
measure,  which  received  the  silent  acquiescence  of  both  Houses 
of  Parliament,  the  evacuation  of  the  French  territory.  This  mea- 
sure is  so  intimately  connected  with  the  important  changes 
which  have  since  taken  place  in  France,  and  so  powerfully 
influences  the  great  question  of  the  durability  of  the  present 
peace,  that  it  deserves  more  consideration  than  has  generally  been 
attached  to  it,  or  at  least  than  it  has  publicly  received  from  the 
statesmen  of  England. 

If  the  army  of  occupation  had  been  placed  in  France  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  maintaining  on  the  throne  of  that  country  a  dy- 
nasty which  was  from  interest  pacific,  and  was  bound  by  so  many 
ties  to  this  country ;  the  wishes  of  that  sovereign,  and  the  opinion 
of  that  people  should  have  been  justly  considered  as  the  rule  of 
our  conduct;  and  although  we  might  doubt  the  policy  of  the 
measure,  although  we  might  deeply  lament  the  decision,  we 
should  have  had  no  right  to  remonstrate  or  to  complain.  But  it 
was  not,  as  the  noble  Lord  assertf.  to  guarantee  the   permanency 


31 


At  last,   however,  the  dismissal  of  the   Due  de 
Richelieu,  before  the  ink  of  the  treaties  was  well  dry, 


of  the  mternal  institutions  of  France,  nor  to  impose  a  dynasty 
on  France  in  case  of  another  revolutionary  struggle :  it  was 
placed  there,  undoubtedly,  as  a  temporary  security  to  the  sove- 
reign until  an  army  more  faithful  than  the  last  could  be  organized 
in  his  favour  ;  but  its  main  object  was  the  security  of  that'coun- 
try  which  is  the  bulwark  of  Europe,  and  the  key-stone  of  the 
great  arch  of  her  security :  it  was  placed  there  to  interpose  a 
wall  of  steel  against  the  ambition  of  France  till  a  wall  of  stone 
could  be  erected,  and  to  allow  time  for  those  two  nations  so  lately 
united,  «'  like  kindred  drops  to  mingle  into  one." 

Those,  therefore,  who  approve  of  that  measure,  must  fall  under 
one  of  these  descriptions.     They  must  believe  that  in  1815  there 
existed  no  feelings  in  the  French  nation  which  could  threaten  the 
peace  and  security  of  others,  and  that  consequently  the  temporary 
occupation  was  wholly  unnecessary  ;  or  they  must  conceive,  that 
since  that  period  such  a  change  has  taken  place  as  to  confer  that 
security  which  did  not  previously  exist;  or  they  must  be  those 
^vho,  believing  that  sufficient  reasons  did  exist  to  render  necessary 
those  previous  precautions,  and  acknowledging  that  no  sufficient 
change  has  taken  place  to  replace  that  security  of  which  we  are 
now  deprived,  are  nevertheless  of  opinion,  that  as  it  could  not 
be  intended  to  maintain  to  perpetuity  the  occupation  of  her  terri- 
tory,  it  would  be  only  increasing  her  irritation,   aggravating  her 
sufferings,  and  animating  her  desire  of  vengeance ;  that  the  small 
remaining  term  of  the  occupation  could  not  be  expected  to  add 
great  solidity  to  the  newly-connected  powers,  and  that  it  was  the 
wisest  policy  in  the  Allies  to  enhance  the  boon  by  the  manner  of 
conferring  it. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  confute  the  first.  The  experience  of 
1814  was  sufficient  to  convince  every  one  of  the  necessity  of 
further  securities,  unless  indeed  those  blind  and  narrow-minded 


I    , 


I]  ' 


i 


32 

and  the  violent  measure  of  making  sixty  new  peers, 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  most  incredulous.   Any  one  who 


33 


politicians  who  would  renounce  those  magnanimous  views  of 
policy,  and  that  zeal  and  generous  interest  for  the  safety  of  Eu- 
rope which  have  rescued  both  herself  and  us,  which  produced 
the  splendour  of  the  late  victories,  and  the  consummation  of  the 
present  peace.  As  to  the  second,  let  us  examine  what  change 
has  taken  place  sufficient  to  authorize  the  measure.  When  the 
army  was  first  placed  in  France,  the  fortresses  were  not  begun, 
and  now  they  are  not  finished.  Those  few  that  are  completed  in 
a  builder's  sense,  want  the  *  materier  of  war  essential  to  their 
defence.  Besides,  in  measuring  the  force  of  a  chain,  we  calcu- 
late from  the  weakness  of  one  link,  not  from  the  strength  of 
many.  But  what  will  be  said  of  the  strength  of  that  chain 
wheix?  the  main  link  is  defective  i"  Such  is  the  state  of  Mons,  the 
key  of  the  Low  Countries,  which,  from  the  diflicalties  inseparable 
from  its  size  and  construction,  as  it  is  built  upon  piles,  at  an 
enormous  expense,  cannot  be  finished  in  less  than  two  years  from 
the  present  time. 

Some  improvement  perhaps  has  taken  place  in  the  internal  state 
of  Beliiium  and  Holland  ;  and  we  might  confidently  have  looked 
forwaixl  to  the  period  when,  connected  as  they  are  with  the  Prus- 
sian acc^uisitions,  they  would  have  become  sufficient  to  their  own 
<lefence,  with  the  assistance  which  England  could  easily  supply  : 
but  the  consolidation  has  not  had  time  to  become  comi)lete,  and 
no  one  who  has  visited  that  country  can  affinn  that  that 
auspicious  period  Itas  yet  arrived.  Is  then  the  required  security 
derived  from  any  favourable  change  in  the  dispositions  of  the 
French  people,  in  their  having  ceased  to  be  ambitious,  in  their 
having  reduced  their  establishments  so  low  as  to  be  unable 
to  become  the  aggressors  ?  Did  we  sec  any  thing  in  the  intenial 
state  of  that  country,  in  the  temper  of  her  people,  in  the  tone 
of  her    society,    in    the   language    of   her    press,    in   the    public 


reasoned  from  causes  to  effects  might  long  have  anti- 
cipated all  that  has  since  happened.     I  date  the  evil 


acts  of  her  government  to  authorize  that  belief?     Much  stress 
has   been    laid    on    the    pacific    character   and  virtues   of   their 
sovereign-much    on    the   moderation  of   his   councils,    equally 
removed  from  ultra-royal  ism  on  the  one  hand,  and  republicanism 
on  the  other;  much  on  the  general  wish  for  tranquillity  which 
exists  in   the  most  numerous,   but  unfortunately  the  least  active 
or  united    class,    her    agricultural    population  ;    much    on    the 
public  attention   having  been  weaned  from  war  and  turned  more 
to  commercial  pursuits  and  the  acquisition  of  money,  than  to 
foreign  aggression  ;  much  on  the  dilapidated  state  of  her  finances 
pressed  down   by  so  long   a    war,  and   the    enormous  sacrifices 
she  has  of  late  years   been   called  upon  to  make;   but   if  all 
THIS  WAS  TRUE,   where   is  the  security  for   Europe,  whilst  in 
her  heart  exists  a  state,   in  which,  contrary  to   the  charter,  in 
violation  of  the  express   promise  of  the  sovereign,   in   mockery 
of  every   pacific   principle,    and  in    defiance   of    the  feelings    of 
the  people,   that   bloody  law   of  conscription   has   been    revived 
and  acted  upon   in   a   moment  of  the  profoundest  peace  ;  and  in 
which  the  peace  establishment  has  been  fixed  at  240,000  men,  a 
much  greater  force  than  she  possessed  in  the  zenith  of  her  glory, 
and  under  the   most   ambitious   of  her  legitimate  sovereigns ;  an 
army  not  only  formidable  from   its  numerical  strength,  but  tre- 
mendous from  the  mode  of  its  organization,— by  which  in  a  few 
weeks  200,000  men  might  be  added  to  its  standards.     Assuming, 
therefore,  for  argument's  sake,  that  there  is  a  decided  wish  in  the 
French  government  and  people  to  maintain  peace,  can  we  calcu- 
late on  their  being  able  to  resist  the  impulse  of  that  powerful  and 
restless  body  the  old  army,  which  might  well  be  termed  the  Praj- 
torian  bands  of  France  ?     At  the  same  time  that  I  wish  to  give 
full  credit  to  the  pacific  disposition  and  the  virtues  of  their  sove- 
reign, is  there  no  example  in  history,   of  the  most  peaceful  mo- 

C 


it 


fJT 


35 


r^ 


h 


much  earlier,  and,  as  I  have  said  before,  from  the 
moment  that  the  allied  i)Owers  |)ermitted  the  conscrip- 
tion to  be  re-established  and  consents!  to  tlie  reduction 
ofone  third  of  the  army  of  observation,  the  rest  fol- 


narchs,  when  they  saw  a  btuiin  brewing  at  home,  seeking  to  direct 
its   fury  to  a  foreign  war;  or,  in  the  words  of  our  Henry  IV., 
•  to  busy  giddy  minds  with   foreign  quarrels,  that  action  thence 
borne  out,  may  waste  the  nu  mory  of  the  former  days/     Wouhl 
not  the  re-annexation  of  Belgium  be  a  i>€ace-otTering  to  France  for 
all   she  had  suffered,  and  would   it  not    make  every  Frenchman 
rally  round  the  throne  to  support  the  aggression  ?     The  character, 
however,  of  her  people  is  not  altered,— whatever  temporary  ex- 
haustion or  lassitude  may  restrain  them,  the  main  national  princi- 
ple, whether  under  a  Buonaparte  or  a  Bourbon,  is  military  glory 
and  an  extension  of  the  empire.      Is  it  probable  that  these  feelings 
arc   weakened    by  their  losses,  and   their   late  humiliations—are 
they  not,  on  the  contrary,  more  likely  to  be  inflamed  by  wounded 
pride  and  animated  by  revenge  ?     Where  then  is  the  security,  that 
this  very  year  Belgium  does  not  again  fall  into  the  hands  of  France  ? 
1  will  not  prophesy  that  this  will  happen,  but  I  maintain  that  we 
had  no  right  to  lay  such  a  tempting  bait  within  her  reach  ;  we  were 
not  justified  in  trying  so  hazardous  an  experiment  as  the  power  of 
her  self-denial ;  for  to  place  a  kingdom  within  the  grasp  of  dormant 
ambition  is  like  putting  a  penitent  drunkard  in  your  wine-cellar, 
or  a  domesticated  fox  in  your  poultry-yard.     I  do  not  say  this  m 
hostility  to  France.     I  wish  to  sec  her  employed  in  cultivating  her 
own  goodly  fields  instead  of  ravaging  the  harvests  of  others,-! 
wish  to  see  her  reforming  the  morals,  and  ameliorating  the  situa- 
tion of  her  own  people,    instead   of  spreading   principles    more 
pernicious  than  her  sword  into  the  heart  of  her  neighbours  ;  and  if 
I  could  believe  that  the  evacuation  of  France  was  consistent  with 
the  security  of  Europe,  I  should  rejoice  in  it  for  her  sake. 


lowed  of  course.  Europe  had  a  right  then  to  have  in- 
terfered, and  she  had  the  means  of  clieckinir  the  evil 
in  its  bud.  I  trust  that  she  will  not  have  bitter 
cause  to  lament  that  the  opportunity  has  passed  away; 
and  that  she  may  not  be  compelled  with  all  the  efforts 
of  her  strength  to  eradicate  the  evil  she  might  have 
remedied  by  a  word. 

If  such  is  the  state  to  which  France  has  been 
brought,  by  a  series  of  measures  which  have  lona 
spread  alarm  in  the  minds  of  those  who  have  watched 
the  career  of  the  French  Government,  it  becomes 
necessary  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  question  of 
interference  ;  for  your  Lordship  states,  ''  that  we  are 
bound  to  interfere  in  the  internal  concerns  of  every 
state  of  Europe ;  that  meetings  of  the  sovereigns  are 
to  be  held  at  intervals,  in  order  to  watch  over  the 
security  of  those  transactions  upon  which  the  peace 
is  founded  and  consolidated ;  and  that,  should  anv 
of  the  provinces  which  have  fallen  under  the  sway  of 
legitimate  monarchs  attempt  *  to  improve  the  form  of 


The  noble  Lord  admits  the  spirit  of  the  times  is  such, 
that  no  war  could  be  carried  on  in  Europe  without  becoming 
revolutionary.  Has  there  ever  existed  any  conspiracy,  from  Wat 
Tyler  to  the  murder  of  our  ministers,  which  was  not  declared  to 
be  a  revolt  against  the  abuses   of  power?  And  if  we  were  to  be 

c  2 


s 


<i 


I  ! 


I 


If 


l\ 


'i 


30 

iheir  government  or  revolt  against  the  abuses  of 
power,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  amphictyonic 
council  of  sovereigns  would   take  cognizance  of  the 

offence." 

I  distinctly  deny  that  we  are  bound  to  interfere  in 
the  internal  government  of  any  state,  or  that  we  have 
ever  interfered,  except  when  changes  have  taken  place 
inconsistent  with  the  maintenance  of  our  own  security, 
or  incompatible  with  the  preservation  of  peace.     If 
there  is  a  principle  of  the  law  of  nations  more  dis- 
tinctly laid  down  than  any  other,  and  at  the  same 
time  more  in  unison  with  the  practice  of  social  life 
and  the  decisions  of  law,  it  is  the  right  of  interfer- 
ence.    Vattel,  having  first  established  the  principle 
that  every  nation  has  a  right  to  govern  itself  in  its 
own  way,  as  long  as  it  is  not  endangering  its  neigh- 
bours, without  which   there   can   exist  no   national 
independence,  proceeds  to  state  that  *  if  there  is  any 
where  a  nation  of  a  restless  and  mischievous  disposi- 


llli 


precluded  from  adverting  to  any  violence  which  wore  the  mask 
and  assumed  the  title  of  reform,  there  is  no  revolution  which 
mit'ht  not  take  place  with  impunity— there  is  no  crime  which 
would  not  shelter  itself  from  the  sword  of  the  law  under  the  garb 
of  some  Roman  virtue,  till  anarchy  would  revel  over  the  ruins  ot 
monarchy,  religion,  and  liberty. 


37 

tion,  always  ready  to  injure  others,  to  traverse  their 
designs  or  to  raise  domestic  troubles,  it  is  not  to  be 
doubted  that  all  have  a  right  to  join,  in  order  to  re- 
press, chastise,  and  put  it  ever  after  out  of  its  power  to 
injure  them,'     The  law  of  nations  in  this  case  is  the 
same  as  the  private  right  of  any  individual,  who  is 
empowered  to  enforce  the  abolition  or  removal  of  any 
general  nuisance  by  which  his  health,  safety,  or  pro- 
perty are  endangered  ;  but  the  law  does  not  permit 
him  to    scrutinize  into    the    domestic    life    of    his 
neighbours,  to  inquire  whether  they   are  good  hus- 
bands, kind  masters,  or  affectionate   parents,  or  to 
sally  forth  in  the  world  as  the  quixotic  redresser  of 
the  wrongs  of  others.     It  was  by  the  sanction  of  this 
first  and  paramount  law  of  nations  and  individuals, 
and  by  a  just  regard  to  our  own  safety,  tliat  we  were 
authorized  in  declaring  that  the  existence  of  Buona- 
parte as  sovereign  of  France  could  not  be  permitted  ; 
and  that  as  long  as  he  persevered  in  holding  a  station 
incompatible  with  the  security  of  Europe,  he  was  out 
of  the  pale  of  nations.     There  has  since  occurred  an 
event  which  afforded  us  an  equal  right  to  have  inter- 
fered— there-establishment  of  the  conscription  in  that 
country,  in  the  middle  of  the  profoundest  peace.     I 
will  say  more  ;  I  do  not  comprehend  on  what  prin- 


a 


l1 


il 


f; 


ciple  the  Allies  coukl  have  iiitcrtercd  in  the  one  case, 
a,  *d  have  permitted  so  flagrant  a  departure  from  all 
the  principles  of  peace  to  pass  unnoticed  in  the  other. 
By  the  argument  which  your  Lordship  has  made 
use  of,  the  Allies  have  heen  addidonally  criminal  in 
havin*^  looked  on  in  silence  at  the  adoption  of  that 
fearful  measure  to  the  repose   of  Europe,  for  they 
have  abandoned  the  line  of  conduct  pointed  out  by 
their  own  treaties.     You  explain  the  word  *  transac- 
tions   to  mean  the  *  possession  by  the   Bourbons  of 
the   throne  of  France,  and  the  maintenance  of  the 
charter.'     The  leading  article  in  that  charter  is  the 
abolition  for  ever  of  this  tyrannical  and  bloody  law. 
At  the  same  time,  therefore,  that  you  declare  that 
the  Allied  Sovereigns  ^rebound  by  treaty  to  interfere, 
and  express  your  belief  that  *  they  would  take  cog- 
nisance of  the  offence,  you  proceed  to  prove  that  al- 
though the  most  important  changes  have  taken  place 
in  France;  aUliough  events  have  occurred  in  positive 
violation  of  those  treaties  (as  you  explain  them),  and 
which  are  rapidly  restoring  the  character,  materials,  and 
conduct  of  Revolutionary  France,  that  still  Europe 
has   not   interfered.      It   seems   to  us,   that  if   you 
had  wished  to  confute  your  own  arguments  hy  that 
in'^enious  mode  of  the  deduction  ad  absurdum,  you 


.TO 

could  not  have  adopted  a  more  satisfactory  mode. 
In  this,  however,  you  have  only  imitated  die  con- 
sistency of  your  party  on  the  subject  of  inter- 
ference. 

I  have  never  been  able  to  account  for  the  wonder- 
ful popularity  of  Buonaparte  among  a  certain  class  of 
pliticians  in  this  country,  (it  is  to  be  hoped,  ^ov  the 
honour  of  England,  conlined  to  a  few,)  how  a  ujiHtaiy 
despot,  who  despised  the  voice  of  the  people,  who 
abhorred  the  very  name  of  liberty,  and  whose  whole 
career  was  in  direct  violation  of  all  the  avowed  prin- 
ciples of  the  Whigs,  should  find  advocates  anions 
them;  unless,  indeed,  as  Mr.  Burke  exf)resses  it, 
that  '  our  ideas  of  justice  appear  to  he  fairly  con- 
quered and  overpowered  by  guilt  when  it  is  grown 
gigandc.  When  this  meek  and  pious  prince  wielded 
his  pacific  sceptre,  then  with  one  voice  the  Whiffs  de- 
clared against  any  unjust  and  odious  interference, — 
although  the  salvation  of  Europe  depended  on  the 
decision  of  the  British  Parliament.  Your  Lordship 
admits  that  the  conquests  of  Buonaparte  have  scatter- 
ed in  every  country  the  seeds  of  revolution  ;  and  when 
the  period  is  now  arrived  wiien  these  seeds  are 
stretching  forth  the  withering  and  poisonous  tendrils  of 
their  rank  luxuriance,  when  the  most  atrocious  crimes, 
the  legidmateofls|)ring  of  these  principles,  are  spread- 


0 


rifc wiiiirniiiT"' — ■-^■■^*-fciMattaafcjaMMiiMMiiitariM6iMMM«aMli 


] 


M 


10 

itjg  consternation  thiougliout  Europe;  bhouki  this 
lead  to  a  revolutionary  struggle  which  left  us  no  alter- 
native but  resistance ;  should  then  the  intelligent, 
moderate,  and  loyal  of  this  country  unite  their  voices 
with  the  opinion  of  the  legislature,  and  the  duty  of 
the  government,  to  protect  us  from  such  perilous  con- 
tact, we  should  then  hear  of  nothing  but  the  wicked- 
ness of  interference. 

But  if  there  existed  a  sanguinary  war  between  Spain 
and  her  colonies  ;  if  there  were  found,  to  the  disgrace 
of  human  nature,  a  sovereign  who  rewarded  his 
most  faithful  servants,  and  his  most  enlightened 
subjects  with  degradation  and  imprisonment,  the  cry 
was  then.  Why  do  not  you  interfere  ?  although  it  would 
have  been  be  as  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations  in 
that  case  as  it  is  sanctioned  by  it  in  the  former 
instance.  We  are  bound  to  interpose  our  mediation 
for  the  first, — it  is  our  duty  to  employ  our  good  offices 
and  all  the  pacific  weight  of  our  influence,  to  balance 
the  conflicting  interests  in  Spain*  ;  but  we  cannot,  con- 


*  The  late  change  in  that  country,  would  require  a  volume  in- 
stead of  a  note.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  influence  of  property^ 
which  was  rendered  null  by  the  occupation  of  Spain  by  the  French, 
will  re-assume  its  due  weight  in  the  next  Cortes,  and  that  the  con- 
stitution will  receive  these  necessary  alterations  ;  without  which,  in- 
stead of  a  limited  monarchy,  it  will  be  a  republic,  with  the  effigy 


of  a  king. 


41 


sistently  with  the  faith  of  treaties,  oi'  the  law  of  nations, 
pass  those  limits.  The  acts  which  were  passed  the  ses- 
sion before  last  to  support  and  perfect  our  neutrality,  by 
placing  the  Spanish  colonies  in  the  same  situation  as 
Spain,  and  by  precluding  both  equally  from  drawing 
from  our  bosom  the  food  of  their  m^^rciless  conflict, 
and  from  making  our  gallant  army  the  partakers  of 
its  atrocity,  its  imitators,  or  its  victims,  have  been 
loudly  censured  by  the  enemies  of  interference. 

Your  Lordship  further  remarks,   on  this  subject, 
"  tliat  in  old  times  the  great  object  of  the  whole 
balance  was  to  preserve  the  weaker  states  in  the  full 
and  free  enjoyment  of  their  civil  and  political  rights 
against  external    attack— internal    institutions   never 
entered  into  its   composition— so  far  otherwise,  the 
greatest  internal  changes  were  continually  going  on 
during  its  formation  and  growth  into  system,  without 
any  endeavour  on  the  part  of  the  sovereigns  as  such 
to  oppose  them."     If  you  will  refer  to  the  treaty  of 
the  Triple  Alliance,  signed  at  the    Hague  in  1717, 
between  France,  England  and  Holland,  you  will  find 
an  express  stipulation,   "  that  if  the  kingdom  or  pro- 
vinces  of  the  contracting  powers  are  disturbed   by 
intestine  quarrels,  or  by  rebellion  on  account  of  the 
mid  successions,  or  under  any  other  pretext  whatever. 


11 


V2 

the  ally  thus  in  trouble  shall  have  the  right  to  demand 
o  his  allies  the  succours  specified  in  another  article, 
viz.  10,000  men,  from  either  of  the  two  former,  and 
5,000  from  the  latter  state." 

The  right  of  interference  must  be  founded  on  gene- 
ral principles,  and  must  be  equally  applicable  to  all 
times  and  to  all  circumstances,  but  can  never  depend 
on  the  abstract  question  of  the  merits  of  the  govern- 
ment of  another   country  ;    for  who  is  to  be  judge 
between  independent  nations  ?     The  broad  principle 
I    lay    down   has    already   been    stated,     that    self- 
defence,  general  security  and  tranquillity  are  the  only 
just  grounds  of  interference,  and  the  Triple  Alliance  is 
sanctioned  by  this.     Let  us  see  what  must  have  been 
the  language  of  any  statesmen  of  those  days,   who 
had  adopted,  relative  to  that  treaty,  the  arguments  of 
the  present  opposition.     Those  in  France  would  have 
said  that  they  had,  from   the  best  information,  the 
important  fact,  that  the  mass  of  the  common  people 
was  for   the   old   family,    that  the  great   men  who 
guided  our  revolution  were*  "  an  oligarchy  on  which 


*  Is  the  noble  Lord  aware  tliat  he  has  adopted  precisely  the 
terms  by  which  the  followers  of  the  "  Creed  of  Philosophy," 
the  Radical  Reformers  of  Cato  Street,  designate  the  ohl  aristocracy 
of  England  ?     Mutato  nomine  de  te  fabula  narratur. 


43 

the  a(hninistration  was  dependent,  who  l)y  their  Wgli 
birth,  numerous  connexions,  and  artful  cabals,  had, 
rendered  themselves  masters  of  the  throne  and  of 
tlie  mooarch  ;"  that  they  were  informed  the  greatest 
tlifference  of  ojjinion  existed  among  themselves,  and 
that  the  most  important  points  had  been  carried  by 
the  smallest  majorities,— and  they  would  have  stig- 
matized an  armed  interference  as  a  wicked  and 
unconstitutional  attempt  "  to  enforce  a  new  dynastjj 
on  the  people." 

If  the  present  opposition  had  then  existed  in  Eng- 
land, they  would  have  recapitulated  all  the  cruelties  and 
atrocities  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.;  would  have  givep 
the  most  moving  examples,  of  the  misery,  hunger,  and 
disaffection  of  the  lower  classes,  of  the  despotism  of  the 
M  hole  system,  of  the  vices,  and  shameless  profligacy  of 
the  Duke  of  Orleans ;  they  would  have  proved  that  a 
people,  so  oppressed,   "  must  revolt  against  the  abuses 
of  power,   and   attempt   to  improve  their  form  of 
government;"  and  they  would  have  held  up  the  Whig 
treaty  as  an  infamous  conspiracy  against  the  liberties 
of  the   French  people — they  would  have  said  tjiat 
England  ''  had  become  the  tool  and  follower  of  the 
continental  monarchs,  instead  of  being  the  friend  of 
right,  and  patron  of  liberal  constitutions." 


III 


\i 


it 

But  if  your  Lordship  has  formed  a  most  erroneous 
opinion  of  the  constitutional  merits  of  the  French 
ministry,  you  seem  to  me  to  have  still  more  tho- 
roughly mistaken  the  character  of  the  nation.  You 
state  "  that  the  love  of  equality  is  the  distinguishing 
political  passion  of  a  Frenchman ;  that  this  feeling 
enters  into  the  details  of  common  life,  and  gives  a 
roughness  to  their  character  which  seems  to  mark 
them  for  Republicans." 

Let  us  see  what  were  the  opinions  of  that  dis- 
tinguished foreigner,  Madame  de  Stael,  whom  your 
Lordship  praises  with  much  truth  and  justice  ;  and  I 
will  content  myself  with  quoting  her  words — She  is 
speaking  of  the  present  state  of  society,  without  refer- 
ence to  any  party. 

"  En  Angleterre  le  parti  de  I'opposition  est  souvent 
mieux  res^u  en  society  que  celui  de  la  cour — en 
France  on  s'informe,  pour  inviter  quelqu'un  c\  diner 
s'il  est  en  faveur  aupres  des  ministres,  et  dans  un  temps 
de  famine  on   pourrait  bien  refuser   du    pain    aux 

hommes  en  disgrace." 

"  Les  hommes  formes  par  Buonaparte"  (the  mass 
of  the  nation)  "  ont  toutes  les  passions  de  la  revolu- 
tion, et  toutes  les  vanites  de  Tancien  regime." 

*'   Le  premier  article  des  droits  de  I'homme   en 


45 

France  c'est  la  nkessite  pour  tout  Fra7ifois  d'exercer 
un  emploi  public," 

"  Se  publie  un  livre  sur  la  politique  ?  avez  vous  de 
la  peine  a  le  comprendre  ?  traduisez-le  par  ces  paroles  : 
je  veux  etre  ministre,  et  toutes  les  obscurites  vous 
seront  expliquees." 

"  Le  lendemain  de  la  chAte  de  Buonaparte'  (the 
first  dawn  of  constitutional  liberty)  '^  il  tiy  avoit 
rf'  actif  en  France  que  Paris  et  k  Paris  que  quelque 
milliers  de  solliciteurs  demandant  de  Vargent  et  des 
places  au  gouvernement,  quel  quHlput  etre:' 

Nothing  can  add  to  the  strength  of  this  picture, 
though  the  same  opinions  are  expressed  in  a  hundred 
other  places  in  her  works,  and  it  would  be  easy  to  cite 
ample  proofs  that  it  is  not  the  love  of  equality,  but 
the  love  of  effect,  which  is  the  distinguishing  political 
passion  of  a  Frenchman. 

I  do  not  apprehend  that  your  Lordship  is  more 
correct  in  your  views  of  the  benefits  of  the  revolution. 
You  say,  ''  Before  the  revolution  the  finances  were  in 
the  most  dilapidated  state,  and  the  taxes  paid  by  the 
people  such  as  to  reduce  them  to  the  lowest  state  of 
wretchedness."  *  *  *  ^*  at  present  a  rich  and  happy 
population  lives  upon  estates  which  formerly  produced 


^^ 


n 


ouly  beggars  ♦  *  ♦  *  the  corvee,  tlie  taille,  the  gabcllc, 
and  the  tithes  have  disappeared,  &c. 

The  population  of  France,  before  the  Revolution, 
was  estimated  by  M.  Necker,  at  26,000,000,  and  the 
taxes  raised  on  them  at  about  600,000,000.     The 
present     population     is     not     estimated    at    above 
38,000,000,  and  the  public  burthens,  since  the  with- 
drawal of  the  allied  troops  and  exclusive   of   tem- 
porary charges,  amount  to  900,000,000  or  one  half 
more.     By  the  late  expose  of  the  French  ministry,  it 
is  not  pretended  that  their  trade  has  increased  ;  they 
have  lost  St.  Domingo,  which  produced  above  one  half 
of  their  total  imports,  and  consumed  nearly  the  same 
proportion  of  their  exports.     It  must  be,  therefore, 
on  the  land  and  the  agriculturist  that  this  increased 
pressure  has  fallen.     I  will  not  enter  at  length  into 
agricultural  details,  or  on  the  acknowledged  advantage 
©f  capital.     It  must  be  apparent  to  everyone,  that  if 
the  whole  land  of  a  country  was  equally  divided  by 
an  agrarian  law  among  its  population,  that  universal 
distress,  ruin  and  famine  would  be  the  consequence. 
The  nearer  that  state  a  country  approaches-  by  the 
constant  subdivision  of  property  equally  among  the 
children,  the  more  hard  will  be  the  condition  of  its 


m- 


■3 

I 


47 

j)easantry.     I  do  not  mean  to  assert  that  France  has 
yet  attained  this  situation,  but  the  evils  of  the  present 
system  must  increase  in  such  accelerated  ratio,  that 
unless  remedied  by  legislative   interference,    in   less 
than  two  generations,  it  will  produce    universal  mi- 
sery;  as  it  is,  the  general  fertility  and  cultivation  of 
tliat  country,  and  that  vast  expanse  of  corn  which 
strikes  the  traveller,  are  not  proofs  of  a  rich  or  happy 
population.       The    small    independent     proprietors, 
frequently  without  capital  enough  to  employ  a  plough 
to  prepare  their  field,   or  a  waggon  to  remove  their 
produce,  are  scarcely  enabled  by  the  labour  of  them- 
selves and  their  families  to  raise  adequate  subsistence 
in  an  average  season  ;  but  when  a  bad  harvest  occurs 
they  have  no  resource,  they  have  no  means   of  ob- 
taining parochial  relief;  the  great  proprietors  can  no 
longer  open  their  castle-gates  to  relieve  them,  for  the 
Revolution  has  laid  them  prostrate,  and  the  accumula- 
tion of  property  is  prevented  by  law ;  the  clergy  who 
were  once  "  in  possession  of  great  estates  and  im- 
mense   convent    lands,"  can  no  longer  practise  the 
charity  they  preach,  for   they  are  little  better  than 
paupers  themselves.      In    the    towns    the  poor  may 
gain  an  eleemosynary  subsistence,  but  in  the  coun- 
try they  have  no  resource  but  the  precarious  houuiy 


A 


■  I 


' 


48 

of  travellers.  In  the  bad  vear  of  1816,  it  is  well 
known  that  in  many  of  the  departments  persons  pe- 
rished of  hunger,  and  many  were  driven  to  glean  their 
scanty  sustenance  from  the  herbs  ofthe  fields.  It  is  not 
the  Emperor  Alexander  only  who,  in  visiting  this  coun- 
try, has  been  so  struck  with  the  general  air  of  comfort 
and  care,  as  to  ask  *  ou  done  sont  vos  pauvres  ?  There 
is  no  traveller,  who,  in  passing  through  the  departments 
of  France,  does  not  feel  himself  tempted  to  ask  '  ou 
done  sont  vos  riches  ?  But  it  is  said  the  odious  imposts 
of  the  ancien  regime  have  ceased.  Their  names,  it 
is  true,  are  changed,  but  in  the  contribution  fonci^re 
we  shall  find  la  taille  and  20""*  united,  but  more  heavy, 
it  being  now  nearly  one-fifth  of  the  income.  La  ga- 
belle  is  to  be  found  in  the  present  salt  duties,  as  oner- 
ous in  fact,  and  as  vexatious  in  collection.  There  are 
besides  les  droits  reunis,  or  a  combination  of  the  ex- 
cise and  assessed  taxes,  and  wliich  presses  particularly 
on  the  lower  classes  in  tobacco  and  other  necessaries ; 
les  droits  despatentes,  les  octrois  municipaux,  or  duties 
of  entry  and  sortie  in  every  town,  applicable  to  the 
same  purposes  as  our  county  rates,  and  which  press 
severely  on  the  farmers,  who,  if  they  fail  in  getting 
their  price  for  their  cattle  or  flocks,  are  exposed  to  its 
repeated  payment,  on  every  market-day ;  and,  though 


49 

last  not  least,  that  heavy  tax  on  labour,  the  Conscrip- 
tion, the  weight  of  which  can  be  best  estimated  by  the 
fact,  that  within  a  few  months  as  much  as  1,500  francs 
have  been  paid  for  a  substitute,— all  these  are  omitted 
in  your  Lordship's   calculation.     I   confess    it  was 
not  without  surprise  that  I  saw  the  abolition  of  tithes 
included  among  the  blessings  of  the  Revolution.     If 
your  Lordship  had  witnessed  personally  the  lamentable 
poverty  of  that  respectable  class,  the  parochial  clergy 
of  France,  the  little  respectability  they  are  in  conse- 
quence enabled  to  keep  up,  and  the  unavoidable  bad 
consequences  to  the  interests  of  religion  and  morality, 
I  think  you  would  have  formed  a  different  opinion ; 
but  at  any  rate  I  must  express  a  hope  that  it  is  one  of 
those  improvements  only  fitted  for  our  more  virtuous 
neighbours,  and  that  your  Lordship,  in  your  legislative 
capacity  will  not  attempt  to  confer  it  on  your  own 
country. 

I  cannot  conclude  these  few  remarks,  without  ad- 
verting to  the  sweeping  passage  with  which  your 
Lordship  concluded  your  Letter. 

"  He  who  has  read  the  foregoing  pages  cannot  be 
at  a  loss  to  discover  the  causes  of  the  unpopu- 
larity of  England  on  the  Continent.  It  was  supposed 
that  she  was  the  friend  of  right  and  the  patron  of 

J) 


% 


I 


u 


50 

that  liberal  conslilulion  which  has  been  the  foiuuli- 
tion  of  her  own  glory.     Instead  of  this  she  has  been 
the  follower  and  the  tool  of   the   great  continental 
monarchs,    assisting  their  spoliations  and  confirming 
their  destruction  of  free  governments  ;  violating  pro- 
mises solemnly  given,   and  conditions  offered  in  the 
full  plenitude  of  success  ;  pursuing  her  course  totally 
regardless  of  the  cries  and  supplications  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Europe  ;  and  after  this  she  has  joined  the  same 
monarchs  in  their  profanation  of  the  names'  of  reli- 
gion and  morality,  whose  precepts  they  have  never 
consulted/'— (Does  the  Noble  Lord  mean  the  holy 
alliance,   to  which  we  are  not  a  party,  or  what  else 
can   he  mean?)—"  It  will  be  said,-  perhaps,    that 
England   was  not  able,    by   herself,    to   protect  the 
rights  and  independence  of  nations  ;   but  if  so,  in 
God's  name  why  did  she  interfere,  why  is  the  name 
of  the  English  minister  to  be  affixed  to  every  act  of 
injustice  and  tyranny  which  is  performed  in  Europe— 
what  deadly  enemy  to  England's  honourable  reputa- 
tion persuaded  Lord  Ca^tlereagh  that  the  repose  of 
the  world  depended  on  the  slavery  of  Saxony  and 

Genoa?" 

Should  all  this  bill  of  complaint  against  the  Eu- 
ropean powers  be  true,  I  should  answer  your  Lordship 


51 

by  asking  you  your  own  question— WJiy  is  the  name  of 
the  English  minister  to  be  affixed  to  all  this?  what 
deadly,  enemies  to  the  reputation  of  their  own  country 
have  been  attempting  to  persuade  Europe,  that  the 
slavery  of  Saxony  and  Genoa  depended  upon  Lord 
Castlereagh  ? 

But  it  is  not  by  the  conduct  we  have   pursued 
that  England  has  merited  such  opprobrious  epithets, 
but  it  would  have  been  by  the  line  which  the  friends 
of  your  Lordship  recommended.      If  after  we  had 
given  our  right  hand  and  pledged  our  faith  to  Spain, 
we  had  '*  abandoned   the  conditions  offered  in  the 
plenitude  of  success ;"  if  when  Prussia  was  heaving 
in  agony  under  the  load  of  Buonaparte's  oppression ; 
if  when  Austria  was  panting  for  an  opportunity  to 
draw  the  sword  she  had  unwillingly  sheatlied  ;  if  we 
had  then  believed  the  gloomy  prophecies  and  followed 
the  narrow-minded  selfish  policy  recommended  by  the 
Opposition,  we  should  then  indeed  have  verified  your 
words,  and  have  pursued  a  course  equally  ruinous 
and  dishonourable ;    ''  totally  regardless   of  the  cries 
and  supplications  of  Europe,"  we  should  then,  by  our 
criminal  indifference,  have  become  "  the  tool  of  the 
most  dangerous  of  the  European  powers;"  we  should 
then,  indeed,  have  tacitly  ''  assisted  in  his  spoliation:^ 

J)  C 


!    ■ 

■  i  i 


\ 


ii 


52 

and  confirmed  the  destruction  which  he  meditated  of 
the  freedom  of  the  world/' 

The  unpopularity  of   England   on   the  continent 
cannot  be  denied ;  but  it  may  be  considered  as  an 
involuntary,   and,  perhaps,  the  most  sincere  tribute 
to  our  superiority,  our  success,  our  power,  our  wealth, 
our  information,  our  character,  and  our  virtues ;  but 
among  its  causes,  we  are  sorry  to  include  the  language 
which  has  been  used,  and  the  tone  which  has  been 
adopted  by  a   party  in  this  country,  who,   if  they 
were  desirous  of   renewing  the  contest,   could   not 
adopt  a  more  effectual  mode  than  the  line  of  conduct 
which  they  have  pursued.     Their  speeches  are  widely 
circulated  and  greedily   read   by  the  haters   of  this 
country ;  and  those  repeated  assertions  of  our  ruin, 
that  England's  arm  is  palsied,  and  her  heart  no  longer 
the  same, — that  we  are  in  such  internal  distress  as  to 
be  unable  to  make  any  further  effort  to  defertd  the 
high  pre-eminence  which,  under  Providence,  we  have 
attained,  are  in  fact  so  many  baits  to  invite  attack, 
and  offer  a  sort  of  premium  to  insult.     The  memories 
of  these  gentlemen  are  not  to  be  envied.     Its  plea- 
sures are  to  them  unknown.— If  there  is  a  possibility 
of  referring  to  former  disasters  and  unavoidable  mis- 
fortunes, there  is  nothing  so  correct  as  their  rccollcc- 


53 

tions  ;  if  there  is  an  anMogy  to  be  dmwn  between  a 
dismal  portrait  of  former  years  and  tbfe  aspect  of  the 
present,  it  is  never  omitted;  but  thfei^  is  another 
sort  of  retrospect  on  which  they  never  dwell,  but 
from  which  they  might  derive  imte  consolation  and 
advantage— the  retrospect  of  otir  glorious  career ;  in 
that  may  be  discovered,  under  difficulties  much  more 
imminent  than  any  which  now  threaten  us,  the  most 
ample  sources  of  comfort,— how  the  ruin  which  was 
predicted  by  our  prophets  of  evil  was  prevented  by 
loyalty  and  perseverance,  ahd  how  tl^  dangers,  so 
often  declared  to  be  fatal,  were  surmounted  by  the 
spirit  of  the  nation  which  even  their  dismal  prophe- 
cies could  never  quench.— This  is  the  real  use  of 
memory,  not  to  cloud  the  future  path,  but  to  cheer 
it  with  the  light  of  former  eixamples ;  not  to  untterve 
our  arms  and  chill  our  hearts,  but  to  strengthen  and 
animate  them  by  the  remembrance  of  our  triumphs. 

That  the  political  horitbri  of  Europe  is  hot  serene 
I  allow,  that  the  events  which  have  occurred  in 
France  are  menacing  I  admit,— but  there  is  no  reason 
to  despair  of  the  preservation  of  peace  or  the  security 
of  Europe,  if  that  firm  union  and  cordial  co-operation 
among  the  Allies  are  maintained  which  rescued  her 
before.      But  for  that  to  exist,   England  must  not  be 


1 


5* 

wanting  to  herself— for  to  inspire  confidencehi  others, 
we  must  feel  it  first.     It  is.  our  duty  to  remain  in  an 
attitude  of  preparation,  on  the  principles  of  real  and 
ultimate  economy,  as  well  as  for  our  safety.     In  poli- 
tics  as  well  as  mechanics,  a  small  force  will  keep  a 
body  in  motion  when  no  power  we  possess  could  move 
it  frpm  its  base.     A  system  of  just  rational  economy 
is  demanded  by  all,  but  let  us  guard  against  visionary 
and.  false  retrenchments  which  keep  the  promise  to 
our  ear  and  break  it  to  our  hopes ;  which,  whilst  it 
appears  to  be  pruning  the  luxuriance  of  our  suckers, 
is  cutting  the  vital  sinews  of  our  strength,  and  wiiicli 
is  at  the  end  the  most  pernicious  prodigality ;  and  the 
true  friends  of  peace  earnestly  hope  that  those  minis- 
ters under  whose  guidance  this  country  has  preserved 
herself  and  liberated  Europe,  will  not  allow  any  cry 
of  the  moment,  or  the  influence  of  party,  to  prevent 
England  from  retaining  a  situation  in  which  her  voice 
may  command  respect,  and  her  interference,  if  again 
unhappily  required,  may  be  as  effectual.as  before.    . 

I  have  the  honour  to  remain, 
Your  Lordship's  tnost  obedient  humbld  servant, 

The  Author. 


ALBEMARLE-STREET.  LONDON. 
April  180(^, 

Mr.  MURRAY 

HAS  JUST  PUBiJSHED  THE  FOLLOWING  WORKS. 


SPEECH  of  the  Right  Hononourable  GEORGE  CANNING, 
to  his  Constituents  at  I^iverpool,  on  Saturday,  March  18, 1820,  at  the 
Celebration  of  his  Foasth  Election.    8vo.  Is.  6d. 

THE  FALL  of  JERUSALEM,  a  Dramatic  Poem.  By  H.  H. 
MiLMAN,  M.A.  Author  of  Fazio,  8vo.  St,6d. 

The  PRINCIPLES  of  POLITICAL  ECONOMY  considered 
with  a  View  to  their  Practical  Application.  By  T.  R.  Malthus,  A.M. 
8vo.  ISs. 

The  COMEDIES  of  ARISTOPHANES,  Translated  from  the 
Greek,  with  numerouB  illustrative  Notes.  By  Thomas  Mitchell, 
A.M.,  late  Fellow  of  Sidney-Sussex  College,  Cambridge.    8vo.  155. 

ANASTASIUS,  or  Memoirs  of  a  Greek,  written  at  the  close  of 
the  Eighteenth  Century.    Second  Edition.    3  vols.  ILlU.ed, 

LIFE  and  ADVENTURES  of  ANTAR,  a  celebrated  Bedowen 
'  Chief,  Warrior,  and  Poet,  who  flourished  a  few  years  prior  to  the 
Mohammedan  iEra.  Now  first  translated  from  the  original  Arabic, 
by  Terrick  Hamilton,  Esq.,  Oriental  Secretary  to  the  British  Em- 
bassy at  Constantinople.    A  New  Edition,  in  4  vols.  cr.  8vo.  1/.  16*. 

•,•  Vols.  2, 3,  and  4,  (never  before  published)  sold  separately,  are  1/.  7*.     ? 

TRIVIAL  POEMS   and  TRIOLETS.     By  Patrick  Carey, 
1651.  Edited  from  an  Original  MS.,  with  a  Preface,  by  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  Bart.    4to.  18*. 
A  very  few  copies  are  printed. 

"  Some  specimens  from  the  Poems  of  Patrick  Carey,  were  published  by  the  present  pos- 
sessor of  the  manuscript,  in  the  Edinburgh  Annual  Register  for  the  year  1810.  As  they 
have  attracted,  from  time  to  time,  the  notice  of  our  poetical  antiquaries,  the  Editor  has 
been  induced  to  place  them  beyond  the  chance  of  total  oblivion,  by  the  present  very  limited 
edition.  The  reader  is  here  introduced  to  a  Bard  of  the  seventeenth  century,  as  staunch  a 
cavalier,  and  nearly  as  good  a  poet,  as  the  celebrated  Colonel  Lovelace. 

Of  the  poems,  only  one  manuscript  copy  is  known  to  exist.  It  was  presented  to  Mr.  Walter 
Scott,  the  present  possessor.  The  volume  is  a  small  duodecimo,  written  in  a  very  neat 
hand,  (the  author's  autograph,)  is  perfect,  and  in  tolerable  good  order,  though  scribbled  on 
the  blank  leaves,  and  stripped  of  its  silver  clasps  and  ornaments. 

The  proprietor  of  an  unique  manuscript  is  apt  to  over-rate  its  intrinsic  merit;  and  yet 
the  Editor  cannot  help  being  of  opinion,  that  Carey's  playfulness,  gaiety,  and  ease  of  ex- 
pression, both  in  amatory  verses  and  political  satire,  entitle  him  to  rank  considerably  above 
the  "  mob  of  gentlemen  who  write  with  ease."  Abdotsfobd,  April. 


Work  a  Just  FMi$fud  by 


I 


Mr.  Murray,  AlbamarU'Slreet. 


\ 


SUBSTANCE  of  the  SPEECH  of  the  Right  Honourable 
GEORGE  CANNING,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  24th  of  No- 
vember, 1819,  on  the  opening  of  the  Session,  8vo.  2s.  Gd. 

SUBSTANCE  of  the  SPEECH  of  the  Right  Honourable 
LORD  GRENVILLE,  Nov.  30,  1819,  on  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne's 
Motion,  for  a  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Country,  8vo.  2s.  U. 

A  REPLY  to  an  Article  iu  the  last  Number  of  the  EDIN- 
BURGH REVIEW,  enUtled  PARLIAMENTARY  ENQUIRY.  To 
which  is  subjoined,  A  Letter  commented  upon  in  that  Article.  By 
John  Davison,  B.D.  Rector  of  Washington,  and  late  Fellow  of  Oriel 
College,  Oxford.    8vo.    3a.  (iJ. 

HEDIN  ;  or,  the  SPECTRE  of  the  TOMB.  A  Tale.  By  the 
Hon.  William  Herbert,  8vo.  3«.  Cd. 

FABLES  of  LA  FONTAINE.     Translated.     8vo.  10.9.  6^^. 

The  SKETCH  BOOK  of  GEOFFREY  CRAYON,  Gent.     Se- 
cond Edition.  8vo.  12*. 
•,*  A  Second  Volume  is  preparing,  and  \Till  be  immediately  put  to  Press. 

TRAVELS  in  NUBIA  and  in  the  INTERIOR  of  NORTH 
EASTERN  AFRICA.  ByJ.  L.  Birckhardt.  To  which  is  prefixed, 
a  IJfeof  the  Author.    With  a  Portrait,  Maps,  Sec.  4to.  21.  8s. 

A  CIRCUMSTANTIAL  NARRATIVE  of  the  CAMPAIGN 
in  SAXONY,  in  the  Year  1813.  By  Bakon  ODELEBhN,one  of  the 
General  Officers  of  the  Army.    With  a  Map.    2  vols.  8vo.  I8.f. 

•»•  This  Publication  is,  more  properly,  a  sort  of  Personal  Narrative  of  Buonap:ule  and  hl« 
Sutif,  and  incomparably  more  entertaining  than  any  detail  of  the  Campaign  cotild  have 
biien.  The  Author,  an  Officer  of  rank,  attached  to  the  Head  Quarters  of  Bnonapajtc,  was 
close  enough  to  see  and  hear  a  great  deal,  and  yet  not  sufficiently  familiar  with  these  extra- 
ordinary scenes  to  have  lost  the  interest  which  their  novelty  was  calculated  to  excite.  He, 
fortunately,  confines  himself  to  the  transactions  which  fell  under  his  own  immediate  obser 
v:Jtion ;  and  his  book  give*,  certainly,  the  beit  account  of  (he  machinery  of  which  Napoleon 
was  the  spring. 

VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY  TO  COREA  and  LOO  CHOO. 
By  Captain  Basil  Hall,  Royal  Navy,  F.R.S.  A  new  Edition, 
with  four  Plates,  and  a  general  Chart, small  8vo.  7».Gd. 

In  order  ihit  this  edition  may  appear  in  the  most  popular  form,  ihe  narrative  alone  hts 
b««u  rctdJned  ;  while  the  nautical  and  scienliOc  matter,  together  wifh  "il; .  t  littbrd's  \  ora- 
boltry,  are  confined  to  the  quarto  edition. 


OBSERVATIONS,  ANECDOTES  and  CHARACTERS  of 
BOOKS  and  MEN.  By  the  Rev.  Joseph  Spence,  arranged,  with 
Notes,  by  the  late  Ectound  Malone,  Esq.  Printed  in  one  volume,  uni- 
formly  with  Dr.  King's  Anecdotes,  or.  8vo.  8».  6d. 

TRAVELS  on  the  CONTINENT:  For  the  Use  of  Travellers, 
in  One  Handsome  and  closely  printed  Volume,  8vo.  II,  5s. 

This  Work  will  be  found  arery  useful  Guide  through  France,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Ger- 
many, Portugal,  Spain,  Holland,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Norway,  and  Russia:  containing 
an  account  of  the  Antiquities  of  Italy;  particularly  those  of  Rome,  Herculaneum,  Pompeii, 
and  Psstum ;  together  with  minute  lists  of  the  most  eminent  Statues  and  Paintings  which 
embellish  the  Continental  Galteries.  It  gives  accurate  details  of  the  Expenses  incurred  by 
residing  in  various  parts  of  France,  Italy,  &c.;  so  that  persons  who  visit  the  Continent  from 
economical  motives,, may  select  the  most  eligible  places  for  permanent  residence,  and  for 
the  use  of  Families,  who  may  wish  to  avoid  the  expense  attendant  upon  travellinif  with  a 
Courier  :  with  instructions  for  Invalids. 

The  DIARY  of  an  INVALID  in  pursuit  of  HEALTH ;  being 
the  Journal  of  a  Tour  in  Portugal,  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  France,  in 
the  Years  1817,  1818,  1819.  By  Hknry  Matthews,  A.M.,  Fellow  of 
King's  College,  Cambridge,  Svo.   15*. 

The  LIFE  of  FENELON,  with  other  Biographical  and  His- 
torical Tracts.    By  Charles  Butler,  Esq.  Svo.  10s.  6d. 

MEMOIR  of  the  EARLY  CAMPAIGNS  of  the  DUKE  of 
WELLINGTON,  in  Portugal  and  Spain.  By  an  Officer  employed  in 
his  Army.    Svo.  8*.  6d. 

The    TWO    FIRST    CANTOS   of   RICHARDETTO,   freely 
translated  from  the  original  Burlesque  Poem  of  Niccolo  Fortiouerra, 
otherwise  Carteromaco.     With  some  account  of  the  Author.    8to 
5i.  6d. 

THE  SCEPTIC,  a  Poem,  by  Mrs.  Hemans,  Author  of  "  Res- 
toration of  Works  of  Art  to  Italy,  Modern  Greece,  Tales  and  Historic 
Scenes.  Svo.  3«. 

STANZAS  to  the  MEMORY  of  the  LATE  KING.  By  Mrs. 
Hemans.   Svo.  l«.6d. 

The  WORKS  of  the  Right  Honourable  LORD  BYRON,  con- 
taining Beppu  and  Mazeppa,  vol.  S,  fc.  Svo.  7s. 

The  POETICAL  WORKS  of  the  Rev.  GEO.  CRABBE.  Con- 
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5  Vols.  Svo.  21. 18«.  6d.  On  Fin«  Paper,  5  Vols,  royal  Svo.  4/.  ia«. 
7  Vols,  small  Svo.  21.  5i. 


\\% 


iUUiiilMlMliilM 


Works  published  by  John  Mbkray. 

PICTURESQUE  VIEWS  of  the  celebrated  ANTIQUITIES  of 
POLA,  in  ISTRIA.  Consisting  of  Fourteen  highly  finished  Engrav- 
ings,  by  W.  B.  Cooke,  George  Cooke,  Henry  Moses,  and  Cosmo 
Armstrong,  from  Drawings  made  by  Thomas  Allason,  Architect. 
Handsomely  printed,  and  complete,  in  One  Volume  Super-Royal 
Folio.  Price  3i.  15«.  substantially  Half  Hound.  Proofs  on  French 
Paper,  Imperial  Folio,  corresponding  in  size  with  Stuart's  Athens, 
bL  10s.— India  Paper  Proofs,  Imperial  Folio,  6/.  15«. 

MEMOIRES  pour  servir  k  L'HISTOIRE  de  la  VIE  PRIVEE, 
du  RETOUR,  et  du  REGNE  de  NAPOLEON  en  1815.  Par  M. 
Fleury  de  Chabodlon,  Ex  S^-cr^taire  de  ITmpereur  Napoleon  et  de 
son  Cabinet,  Maitre  des  Requetes,  au  Conseil  d'Etat,  Baron,  Officier  de 
ia  Ugion  d'Honneur,  Chevalier  de  I'Ordre  dc  la  Reunion.  2  torn.  8vo. 
1/.  4s. 

A  TRANSLATION  of  this  very  interesting  Work.    2  Vols.  8vo.    II.  4«. 

Tho«e  Memoirs  of  th«  "  Private  Life  and  Reign  of  Napoleon  in  1815/'  may  be  considered 
aacumpletini^thehistory  ofthe  French  Revolution.  The  ufticial  situations  filled  byM.Henry 
have  put  him  in  possession  of  materials  relating  to  Napoleon,  >Thich  have  "o^  »>«"«"•■ 
•ible  to  any  other  writer.    The  Memoir,  respecting  the  conferences  in  the  Isle  of  Elba 
which  induced  Napoleon  to  return  to  France,  has  been  perused  by  the  Emperor ;  he  admitted 
that  it  contained  "  the  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  trnlh ;"  and  declared  to  M.  Fleury,  that 
he  approved  of  it.  publication,  though  at  first  he  was  inclined  to  retain  it  for  the  purpo,. 
of  inLrtion  in  the  Memoir,  of  hi.  Life,  which  he  himself  is  writing.    The  knowledge  of 
the  facts  stated   in  thi.  Memoir,   has  hitherto  b«ei.  cuntine«l  to  the  parties  unmed.ately 
concerned  in  the  transactioo.-In  order  to  disconcert  the  intrigues  of  louche.  (Duke  of 
Otranto,)  M.  Fleury  was  employed  by  Napoteon  to  meet  the  secret  agent  despatched  by 
Prince  Mcttemich  to  B^ale.  at  the  period  when  the  allied  Sovereigns  were  not  «"-   ^e! 
.now  of  the  abdication  of  Napoleon  L  in  favour  of  the  K.ng  of  Rome.    The  ^-^ta.l   g.ven 
by  M.  Fleury  explain  the  machinations  of  Fouche,  and  his  views  with  respect  to  the  go- 
*;mmeut  of  Napoleon.-In  bis  narrative  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  M.  Heury  ha.  ind.- 
cated  the  reasons  which  led  Napoleon  U>  «.p.rate  himself  from  his  army.    All  the  pre- 
clZz  accounts  of  the  abdication  of  Napoleon  have  misrepresented  the  circumstance, 
wh  ch  a^^it  :-And  an  attempt  has  been  made  by  M.  Fleury  to  place  this  event  in  its 
tie  Lht      He  now  offers  to  the  world  a  detailed  and  accurate  history  of  the  conduct  pur. 
.ued  by  the  provisional  government,  by  whose  orders  Napoleon  was  detained  as  a  fruoner 
atmimlon;  althongh  it  has  l>een  hitherto  stated,  that  he  lingered  there  m  the  hope  of 
tirra  ic^  by  the  army.    And  he  developes  the  negotiations  between  the  French  go- 
^  nment  and  Zord  Wellington,  and  the  other  commander,  of  the  allied  armies,  wh.c 
ultimTly  led  to  the  capitulation  of  Paris  ;  this  portion  of  the  narrative  being  illustrated 
by  many  document,  which  have  hitherto  remained  inedited. 

The  WORKS  of  MARY  BRUNTON,  containing  Memoirs  of 
HER  Life,  Emmeline,  Self  Control,  and  DisciruNE.  M'ith  a  Portrait. 
7  Vols,  post  8vo.  2/.  18«.  6d. 

The  WORKS  of  LORD  BYRON.  A  New  and  uniform  Edition, 
▼ery  handsomely  printed  in  %  Vols.  8vo.  11.  2f. 

The  POETICAL  WORKS  of  Sir  WALTER  SCOTT,  Bart.  Now 
first  collected.  Printed  tiniformly  and  handsomely,  with  a  Portrait  of 
Ww  Xutlior,  in  12  Vols,  foolscap  8vo.  3/.  12*. 


+• 
% 


ALBEMARLE-STREET,  LONDON, 

April,  1820. 

Mr.  MURRAY 

HAS  THE  FOLLOWING  WORKS  IN  THE  PRESS. 


The  PERSONAL  HISTORY  of  KING  GEORGE  the  THIRD, 
undertaken  with  the  assistance  of,  and  in  communication  with,  Persons 
officially  connected  with  the  late  King,  and  Dedicated,  by  express 
Permission,  to  His  present  Majesty.  By  Edward  Hawke  Locker, 
Esq.  F.R.S.  With  Portraits,  facsimiles,  and  other  Engravings.  In  one 
handsome  volume  4to. 

RICCIARDA,  Tragedia,  di  Uco  Foscolo.     Svo. 

NARRATIVE  of  the  OPERATIONS  and  RECENT  DISCO- 
VERIES within  the  PYRAMIDS,  TEMPLES,  TOMBS,  and  EXCA- 
VATIONS, in  EGYPT  and  NUBIA  ;  and  of  a  Journey  to  the  Coast  of 
the  Red  Sea,  in  search  of  the  ancient  Berenice,  and  another  to  the 
Oasis  of  Jupiter  Ammon.  By  G,  Belzoni.  Accompanied  by  Plates, 
Plans,  Views,  ^c,  of  the  newly  discovered  Places,  ^c.  4to. 

ADVICE  to  JULIA,  ^c.  fc.  Svo. 

J'ai  vu  les  moeurs  de  mon  tems  ;  et  j'ai  6crit  cette  lettre. 

TRAVELS   through  HOLLAND,   GERMANY,   and  Part  of 

FRANCE,  in  1819,  with  particular  reference  to  their  STATISTICS, 
AGRICULTURE,  and  MANUFACTURES.  By  W.  Jacob,  Esq! 
F.R.S.  4to. 

JOURNALS  of  TWO  EXPEDITIONS  behind  the  BLUE 
MOUNTAINS,  and  into  the  interior  of  NEW  SOUTH  WALES, 
undertaken  by  order  of  the  British  Government  in  the  Year*  1817-18. 
By  J(»HN  Oxley,  Esq.,  Surveyor-General  of  the  Territory  and  Lieu- 
tenant of  the  Royal  Navy.  With  Maps  and  Views  of  the  Interior,  or 
newly -discovered  Country.  4to. 

TRAVELS,  in  1816  and  1817,  through  NUBIA,  PALESTINE, 
and  SYRIA,  in  a  Series  of  familiar  Letters  to  his  Relations,  written  on 
the  Spot,  by  Capt.  Mangles,  R.N.    2  vols.  Svo. 

The  TOPOGRAPHY  of  ATHENS,  with  some  Remarks  on  its 
Antiquities.    By  Lieut.-Col.  Leake,  8vo. 

The  PLAYS  and   POEMS  of  JAMES   SHIRLEY,  now  first 

collected  and  chronologically  arranged,  and  the  Text  carefully  collated 
and  restored.  With  occasional  Notes,  and  a  Biographical  and  Critical 
F^say.  By  William  Gifford,  Esq.,  uniformly  with  Massincer  and 
Ben  Jonson.    G  vols.  8vo. 

Out-  hundred  copies  are  printing  in  royal  Svo. 


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W  o  K  K  s  preparhtg  for  Publication, 

The  TOPOGRAPHY  of  ATHENS,  with  some  Remarks  on  its 
Antiquities.    By  Lieut.-Col.  Lhake,  8vo. 

On  the    ADMINISTRATION  of  CIUJVTTNAL    JUSTICE   in 
ENGLAND,  and  on  the  SPIRIT  of  the  BRITISH  CONSTITLTION, 

By  M.  CoTTiJ,  one  of  tlie  Judges  of  the  Royal  Court  of  Paris,  8vo. 

M.  Cottu  was  directed  by  the  government  of  France  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the 
criminal  jurisprudence  of  England,  and  more  espe.cially  with  all  that  relates  to  the  Irial  by 
Jury.  He  was  fortunate  in  bringins;  ktlers  of  intfoductiou  to  some  of  our  eminent  counsel, 
and  particularly  to  Mr.  Scarlett,  whom  he-  accon)panie<l  on  the  northern  orcmt ;  and  who, 
with  Mr.  Grey,  looked  over  his  work  bifore  it  went  to  press;  and  that  Mr.  Jscablett, 
in  particular,  hid  withdrawn  a  short  time  from  his  num«rou9  avocations,  to  correct  the 
errors  into  which  M.  Cottu  had  fallen ;  and  even  to  supply  him  with  some  notes  of  hi» 
own  on  the  spirit  of  the  British  CDnstitiilion.  The  general  observations  of  M.  Cottu  will 
be  found  original  and  interesting;  and  his  comparative  views  of  the  administration  of  tne 
law  in  England  and  France,  are  worth  the  attention  of  both  nations. 

A  New  Series,  consisting;  of  Twenty-one  Plates  to  illustrate 
LORD  BYRON'S  WORKS.  Eii^^raved  by  Charles  Hfath,  from 
Drawings  by  R.  Westali.,  R.  A.  With  a  Portrait,  engjraved  by  Arm- 
strong, from  the  original  Picture,  by  T.  Phillips,  R.A.  In  4to.,  8to., 
and  fc.  8vo. 

JOURNAL  of  a  TOUR  in  GREECE,  EGYPT,  and  the  HOLY 
LAND ;  with  Excursions  to  the  River  Jordan,  and'  ah)ng  the  Banks 
of  the  Red  Sea  to  Mount  Sinai.  By  William  Tijrner,  Esq.,  Foreiga 
Office,    a  vols.  8vo. 

HISTORY  of  the  MODES  of  BELIEF,  usually  termed  The 
Superstitions  of  the  Middle  Aces.    With  curious  Plates.  4to. 

The  CENTURY  of  INVENTIONS  of  the  MARQUIS  of  WOR- 
CESTER, from  the  original  MSS.  with  Historical  and  Explanatory 
Notes,  a  Biographical  Memoir,  and  an  original  Portrait,  8vo. 

"  Here  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  recommend  to  the  attention  of  every  mechanic,  the  little 
work  entitled  a  Century  of  Inventions,  by  the  Marquis  of  Worcester,  vkhich,  on  account 
of  the  seeinin2  improbability  of  discovering  many  tliinss  mentioned  therein,  has  been  too 
much  neglected;  but  when  it  is  considered  that  some  uf  the  contrivances,  apparently  not 
ihe  least  abstruse,  have,  by  closi'  application,  been  found  to  answer  all  the  Marquis  says  of 
them,  and  that  the  first  hint  of  that  most  powerful  machine  the  steam  engine  is  given  in 
that  work,  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  on  the  ntility  of  H."— Trans,  of  the  Society  of  Arts, 
TOl.  iii.  p.  6. 

A  SYSTEM  of  MECHANICAL  PHILOSOPHY,  by  the  late 
John  Robison,LL.D.,  Professor  of  Natural  Philosophy  in  the  University 
and  Secretary  to  the  Royal  Society  of  Edinl)urgh.  With  Notes  and 
Dlustrations,  comprising;  the  most  recent  Discoveries  in  the  Physical 
Sciences.  By  David  Brewster,  LL.D.  F.R.S.E.  In  4  vols.  8yo. 
■with  numerous  Plates. 

A  MANUAL  of  CHEMISTRY  ;  containing  the  principal  Facts 
of  the  Science,  arranged  in  the  Order  in  which  they  are  discussed  and 
illustrated  in  the  Lectures  at  the  Royal  Institution.  With  a  Prefatory 
History  of  the  Science.  By  W.  T.  Brande,  F.  R.  S.  Secretary  to  the 
Royal  Society  of  London.  With  more  than  100  Wood-cuts,, Diagrams, 
Plates,  &c.    A  New  Edition,  in  2  Vols.  8vo. 


'Sjj'^ 


bi/  Mr.  Murray,  Albemarie-Street. 

A  GREEK  GRAMMAR.  By  Auglstus  MatthivE,  Doctor  in 
Philosophy,  Director  of  tlie  Gymnasium,  and  Librarian  of  the  Ducal 
Library  at  Altenburo:,  Honorary  Member  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences 
at  Erfurt,  of  the  Latin  Society  at  Jena,  and  of  the  Society  of  Sciences 
and  Arts  at  Mentz.  Translated  by  the  late  Rev.  E.  V.  Blomfield,  M.A. 
Fellow  of  Emanuel  College,  Cambridge.  A  New  Edition,  in  2  Vol's.  8vo. 

An  ABRIDGMENT  of  MATTHIiE's  GREEK  GRAMMAR. 

For  the  use  of  Schools.    12mo. 

TRAVELS  in  SYRIA  and  MOUNT  SINAI,  viz.  LA  Journey 
from  Aleppo  to  Damascus.— 2.  A  Tour  in  the  District  of  Mount 
Libanus  and  Antilibanus.— 3.  A  Tour  in  the  Hauran.— 4.  A  Second 
Tour  in  the  Hauran.-^.  A  Journey  from  Damascus,  through  Arabia- 
Petraea,  and  the  Desert  El  Ty,  toCairo.-G.  A  Tour  in  the  Peninsula 
of  Mount  Sinai.  By  the  late  John  Lewis  Burckhahdt.  With 
Maps,  &c.  4to. 

TheLIFE  of  the  Right  Honourable  R.  B.  SHERIDAN.  By 
Thomas  Moore,  Esq.   With  a  Portrait.    4to. 

The  WORKS  of  the  Right  Honourable  R.  B.  SHERIDAN,  now 
first  collected  and  edited  by  Thomas  Moore,  Esq.  2  vols.  8to. 

HISTORY  of  the  several  ITALIAN  SCHOOLS  of  PAINTING, 
with  Observations  on  the  present  State  of  the  Art.  By  J.  T.  James, 
M.  A.,  Author  of  Travels  in  Germany.    8vo. 

NARRATIVE  of  the  Late  POLITICAL  and  MILITARY 
EVENTS  in  BRITISH  INDIA,  under  the  Administration  of  the  Mar- 
quess of  Hastings.  By  Henry  T.  Princep,  Esq.,  of  the  Honourable 
East  India  Company's  Civil  Service,  Bengal.  With  Maps,  Plans,  and 
Views,  4to. 

The  HISTORY  of  the  LATE  WAR  in  SPAIN.  By  Robert 
SouTHEVjEsq.  3  vols.  4to. 

A  GEOGRAPHICAL,  STATISTICAL,  and  HISTORICAL 
DESCRU^TION  of  HINDUSTAN,  and  the  adjacent  country,  com- 
posed from  tiie  most  authentic  printed  documents,  and  from  the  manu- 
script records  deposited  at  the  Board  of  Controul ;  consisting  of  the 
official  reports,  and  public  correspondence  of  nearly  all  the  most 
eminent  Civil  Servants  at  the  three  Presidencies,  and  also  of  many  of 
the  most  distinguished  Military  and  Medical  Officers.  By  Walter 
Hamilton,  Esq.    With  Maps,  2  vols.  4to. 

ITALY  and  its  INHABITANTS,  in  the  Years  1816  and  1817. 
With  a  View  of  the  Manners,  Customs,  Tiieatres,  Literature,  and  the 
Fine  Art-,  with  somejiotitx'  cf  its  various  !')ialor(fi.  Bv  James  A.Ci.A- 

MITK.  of  G'-n#»va.    2vo]-."A    . 


^Il 


Works  preporwi^/or  Publication. 

An  ACCOUNT  of  the  ABIPONES,  an  Equestrian  People  in  the 

INTERIOR  of   SOUTH  AMERICA,    '^^f  ^^' /^itI    tT^d 
Latin  of  Martin  Dobrizhoffer,  one  of  the  Ex-Jesuits,  two  ana 
twenty  years  a  Missionary  in  Paraguay.    2Vol3.8vo. 
"  ZxlLs  have  he^n  in  one  thin,  fonunat-bove  gl  other  -ages^.^or^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

of  their  manners  and  fortunes   by  MarUn  I^obmhf^^f.  «  ^«;"^*°^^^,  ^^^  extinction  of  hi. 

prime  of  his  years  to  the  task  of  converting  them  and  in  oui  ag*-'  a^^«     painfully  acquired. 

order,  found  consolation  in  recording  the  know ledgej^hich  he  had  so  pam^y      q        ^ 

and  tlie  labourn  which  had  so  miserably  ^*^««/;;f  "j'^f^S  «*  ^**'<'^» 

life,  the  most  carious  and,  in  every  respect,  the  most  interesting    ouui         , 

of  the  Brazils. 

NARRATIVE  of  a  CHINESE  EMBASSY  from  the  Emperor 

of  China,  Kan,  Hy^o  the  1^»^- «[  J^^^"^  U  ^TtLTh^lesT^^^^^ 
banks  of  the  Volga,  in  the  years  1712, 13,  and  14.  By  the  Chmese  Am- 
bassador,  and  published  by  the  Emperor's  authority,  at  Pekin.  Trans- 
lated from  the  original  Chinese,  and  accompanied  by  an  Appendix  of 
Miscellaneous  Translations  from  the  same  ^^f  "^f '  *^??7'^*^^^^ 
tracts  from  the  Pekin  Gazette,  an  Abstract  of  a  Chinese  Novel, 
Argument  of  a  Chinese  Play,  Sfc,  By  Sir  George  Thomas  Staunton, 
Bart.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.  8yo. 


On  the  First  of  April  was  Published  with  Plates,  Sro. 

No.  XVII.  of 
The  JOURNAL  of  SCIENCE  and  the  ARTS.     Edited 
at   the  Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain.     Among   the 
Contents  will  be  found- 
Original  Journal  of  an  Excursion  from  St  Thome  deAng^stur^^ 

G  uay ana,  to  the  Capuchin  Missions  of  the  Carom.    With  a  i\ldp  oi  .me 

Remtt  o^^^^^^^^^^^  latest  computation  of   the  Density  and  Figure  of 

Oeolo^c^aritscription  of  the  Hills  which  P^""«/^p\^«XiftiS^T^^^^^^ 

from  Ross  to  Chepstow,  with  Remarks  upon  the  Ch^actenstics  oi  me 

HrefordshireFc!rmati;,n,ir..    By  John  Fosbrooke,  E^q. 
On  the  Silures,  or  Catfishes,  of  the  River  Ohio      By  C    S    R^^^^^ 

Professor  of  Botany  and  Natural  History  in  the  Transylvanian  urn 

versity  of  Lexington,  in  Kentucky . 
On  Fluidity ;   and  an  Hypothesis  concerning  the  Structure  of  the  Earth. 
iLtter  from  Captain  VVillL^  Spencer  Webb,  containing  an  Account  of  Ins 

JourTyin^rhibet,   and   Pilgrimage  to  the    Temple  of  Kedar  Nath. 

Communicated  by  H.T.Colebrooke  Esq. 
On  the  Manufacture  of  British  Opium     By  the  Rev.  G-  Swayne  _ 
On  the  Variation  of  the  Compass  observed   in  the  late  \oyage  ol  liis 
^     covery  to  the  North  Pole,^By  Geo.  Fisher,  Esq. 
Account  of  the  exhumation   and  re-interment    ^^  ^"f^  f^^^^^^^^f;,"/  f 
Observations  on  the   Theory  which  ascribes  Secretion  to  the  Agency 

Nerves     By  W.  P.  Alison,  M.U.,  t.H.o.tj.,  ofc.  ,  a       r 

Reports  of  the  Commissioners    appointed  for  inquiring  into  the  mode   ol 

preventing  the  Forgery  of  Bank  Notes. 
Astronomical  and  Nautical  CollecUons,  No.  I.  Perkins  Esq: 

On  the  New  Mode  of  Engraving  on  Steel,  with  a  Plat^  ^.^  ",,f  Snce-- 
Miscellaneous  Intelli^ence-in  Chemical  Science-Mechanical  Science 

Natural  History-General  Literature,  Sfc. 
MeteoJlgical  Journal,  for   December,  1819,  January  and  February  1820. 

Select  List  of  New  Publications,  ifc. 


LONDON 


Pitiited  by  W.  Clowbs,  Northumberland-court. 


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